Join PACE Webinar on Civic Renewal Movement, 9/23

We encourage our members to join a webinar this Sept. 23 at 2pm EST to hear two of our distinguished NCDD members Peter Levine and Joan Blades, as well as former NCDD conference keynote Eric Liu discuss the implications a new paper on the civic renewal movement. The webinar, hosted by NCDD member organization PACE, will certainly be of interest to many of our members, so we encourage you to read their announcement below or register here.


PACE LogoOn September 23 at 2 p.m. Eastern, PACE will hold a webinar to present and discuss the recent paper, “America’s Civic Renewal Movement: A View from Organizational Leaders.” Registration is complimentary but required.

This paper explores current sentiments toward civic engagement and identifies opportunities and challenges to expanding our civic infrastructure. This webinar and accompanying conversation will explore philanthropy’s role in supporting and engaging in this movement, and how practitioners perceive foundations’ willingness to partner on these efforts.

Presenters include the report authors, Peter Levine (Tufts University) and Eric Liu (Citizen University), as well as Kelly Born of the Hewlett Foundation and Joan Blades of the Living Room Conversations project.

We hope you will join us for this discussion.

Possible Research Questions

One of my current tasks is to sharpen the theoretical questions I am interested in exploring through my doctoral work.

While I am thankfully still some time away from having to select a dissertation topic, the process of thinking through and refining my interests will help me identify possible research projects and help guide me as I select from a seeming infinite array of classes, readings, and activities.

So what are the theoretical questions I am interested in exploring? Well, since “ALL OF THEM” doesn’t seem to be a productive answer in this regard, I will attempt to articulate a somewhat more narrow scope.

Broadly, I am interested in civil society – and I am convinced that network approaches can bring value to our understanding. To be perfectly clear, I’m not referring solely to the understanding of academics, but of all of us individual, people who are living in communities.

That is, while network science can certainly be used to help political scientists better model the societies they study, I am more deeply interested in the civic studies question: what should we do?

There are many ways I can envision network science contributing to our collective attempts to answer this question.

First, on a broad scale, I think network analysis can help us more accurately conceive of the communities of which we are a part. I live in a very engaged community with a robust level of social capital, and yet I am also very close friends with some people who I barely see in person. Is one these settings more accurately a “community”? How should I make sense of my place in each of them?

I am particularly interested in trying to capture “layers” of community. If I were to do a power analysis in my local, geographic community I would find many individuals and institutions I could have direct interaction with. I could imagine multiple ways for my own voice and agency to have a real impact on policy or the culture of my community.

But if I were to do a similar analysis at a national or perhaps international scale, I would quickly find myself feeling powerless. Can I change international law? Perhaps some individuals are positioned to do so, but I most certainly am not.

In such a setting, then, I am left little but a foolish choice between inaction and the vain hope that my representatives will represent me, that my voice among thousands will carry some weight.

I’d previously seen this as an argument for more local engagement. Why shout in the wind of national politics when real work can be done at the local level?

But I wonder now if this is simply a false dichotomy. We envision local work and national work, and perhaps other scales of regional work or international work as well. We treat our communities as tiers – scaled up versus hyperlocal.

But what if there’s a better way to think of it? A better way to conceive of our multiple communities, overlapping, intersecting, complex and ever changing. What might that look like?

A second area of interest is around interactions within a given community. While the first set of questions struggles with how we might define the borders of a single community, the second explores what we do once we know what “we” means.

More explicitly, this area centers around questions of dialogue and deliberation. What does “good” dialogue look like? How are ideas exchanged and opinions altered? Using strategies of epistemic network analysis one might even ask questions such as, what does a “good” deliberator look like? What does a good moderator look like? Is there a way of thinking that can categorized as “good” deliberative thinking?

Finally, I’m very interested in applying network science to better understanding the network of ideas and morals held by an individual. This line of thinking can be closely tied to questions of deliberation – asking what idea structure a person ought to have in order to be a “good” deliberator.

But there are other ways to take this question as well – are there features of an individual’s moral network which are better or worse than others? If so, what ought a good person’s moral network look like? What network characteristic should we each seek to cultivate?

 

These are not entirely disparate questions, but they do each take the confluence of civics and networks in different ways. I’m not sure where the next five years will lead me, but I look forward to delving in!

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“a different Shakespeare from the one I love”

“Kids today don’t appreciate Shakespeare.” That is a tired, perennial complaint. It is not the point that the eminent Shakespearean Stephen Greenblatt makes in “Teaching a Different Shakespeare From the One I Love.” In fact, he admires the way his students approach and use Shakespeare, but he notes two important differences from his own response when he was their age. First, his students are less likely than he was to identify with Shakespeare, to claim his works as part of their inheritance. And second, they are less likely to be moved by the language itself, “touched by the subtle magic of his words.”

Both observations resonate with my own experience. My father was, like Greenblatt, a Jewish-American academic who claimed the English 16th century as his birthright. Dad was perfectly well aware that his ancestors lived in Eastern Europe in Shakespeare’s time and that people like them were banned from–and hated in–England. But if someone had said that Shakespeare wasn’t really my father’s because he belonged to the English (or to gentiles), Dad would have taken those as fighting words. Like Greenblatt, he might have said that the renaissance heritage “was mine as if by birthright, for the simple reason that English was my native tongue. All that I needed to do was to immerse myself in it passionately.” And just as the literature of renaissance England was ours by virtue of our language, so the political heritage of the English revolution (especially its radical wing) was ours because of its influence on the American liberal tradition. In fact, I may have grown up with the shadow of an unspoken idea that Shakespeare and his age belonged most authentically to people like my father, because he had chosen to devote sophisticated critical attention to the texts. Someone with an English name and an English accent who operated an olde tea shoppe in Stratford-on-Avon was, by comparison, an interloper.

Although I recognize huge differences of context and circumstances, I would suggest a rough analogy to the special affection that many African-American Christians feel for the King James’ Version (KJV) of the Bible, which was the other great literary achievement of Shakespeare’s era. As Adelle Banks writes:

The Rev. Cheryl Sanders, an ordained minister and professor of Christian ethics at Howard University School of Divinity, said the KJV’s soaring language can uplift listeners, especially those who have been oppressed.

“It’s a loftiness to the language that I believe appealed to people who are constantly being told, ‘You don’t count. You’re nobody. You’re at the bottom rung of the ladder,'” said Sanders, who has written about black Christians’ use of the KJV. “If I can memorize a verse of Scripture, it gives me a certain sense of dignity.” …

“Although I think young black people are using other translations and finding them useful, we’ll always have a sentimental attachment to King James,” said [Rev. Joseph] Lowery, a retired United Methodist minister who marched with the late Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.

I would add that the KJV echoes throughout the great canon of African American writing, including, of course, the works of Dr. King: “Let justice will roll down like waters and righteousness as a mighty stream.” (Cf. Amos 5:24.)

Rev. Lowery notes a generational shift when he observes that “young black people are using other translations.” Greenblatt suggests two causes for the similar shift that he observes: a growing tendency to treat authors as alien if they are not demographically similar to the reader, and a shrinking sense of direct, affective awe in response to written poetry.

In assessing these changes, I would avoid polemic. Everyone can decide for herself whether to identify with–and claim–long-dead authors and how to respond to written words. Greenblatt’s students are responding to Shakespeare in creative ways that enrich the culture. I am not saying they are wrong. But I would offer two suggestions:

First, you can claim Shakespeare as yours if you speak English, whether it is a mother tongue or a second language. That is an authentic choice, even if your religion, gender, race, and national origin are very different from his. When presented with the Bard as a model, one political response is to say, “Shakespeare was an old white Christian man from the colonial power, and I am not.” A different political response is: “Shakespeare’s words are mine as much as yours, and if you deny my right to them, I will challenge you.” The latter is no less radical or potentially subversive. Which response to choose is a complex and personal matter, and I don’t object to either. I just want to suggest that the second option is available to anyone. And it may be the path less taken today.

Second, I worry that it is becoming increasingly difficult to hear the power and resonances of very fine written language. Culture is increasingly visual and oral, which expands our capacities in some respects but possibly weakens our ability to absorb the special power of the written word.

We are living at a time of incessant communication. By one estimate, more words were recorded in 2002 alone than in all of human history up through 1999. The increase since then has been exponential. Even the older formats are exploding in scale. About half a million new book titles are published every year in English, whereas about 147 books were licensed annually in England in Shakespeare’s day: a 3,400-fold increase. When communications arrive in a ceaseless deluge, it may require crude and explosive language to capture attention.

One source of literary depth and power is allusion. But in order for an allusion to work, the writer and the reader must know the same referents. An excellent reason to study Shakespeare and the KJV is that they have echoed so pervasively through such diverse texts. There are still millions who can hear those echoes, as others can hear Quranic references in classical Arabic or the Shijing reverberating in modern East Asian verse. But when new text is piped around the world by the terabyte, the chances fall that an audience will recognize any given referent. The most widely shared references are from contemporary mass culture, which tends itself to have thin resonances.

I was pretty absorbed and awestruck when I saw live Shakespeare as a child and as a teenager. The words themselves could bedimm the noontide sun and call forth the mutinous winds. I think that response is less likely today, not because the language has evolved so much further from Elizabethan English, nor because there is anything wrong with today’s kids, but because a child is exposed to a much larger quantity of professionally produced, highly emotional drama: constantly streaming videos of all kinds. A play has much more to compete with.

We also live at a time of manic linguistic invention and expansion, when new words and phrases seem to enter the language daily, often duplicating existing choices and overriding traditional grammatical constraints. (Witness the constant turning of nouns into verbs in business English.) Shakespeare’s time offers certain parallels. The volume of public speech and printed communication was expanding rapidly then as well, and English vocabulary was growing. It is often claimed that Shakespeare personally added 1,500 or 2,000 words to English. Those numbers may be exaggerated because older sources have been lost, and scholars search Shakespeare’s works for alleged coinages without always consulting other surviving texts that might use the same words. But there is no doubt that Shakespeare and his contemporaries shared our predilection for inventing words, mixing sources, bending genres, and breaking all putative grammatical rules.

But they had to expand their language. English wasn’t very old, and it needed a much larger store of words, phrases, and tropes to rival Latin. You can often sense a writer of Shakespeare’s day struggling to convey an idea that now seems very straightforward, just because we have more resources. Today we don’t lack words and phrases, but we struggle to hear the resonances of the ones we have. We turn the noun “impact” into a verb without exploring the possibilities of verbs that have histories, like “affect,” “change,” “influence,” “modify,” “transform” (and many more).

I am not committed to linguistic conservatism as a principle; languages change as a result of wonderful human inventiveness. I agree with Greenblatt that multimedia adaptations and mashups of Shakespeare can be fantastic contributions. Yet we can perhaps profit more than usual by slowing down and hearing the depths of our linguistic inheritance.

[See also “signal” (a poem on this theme) and the political advantages of organized religion, in which I note the political power of “Ezekiel connected dem dry bones” and its roots in the KJV.]

“a different Shakespeare from the one I love”

“Kids today don’t appreciate Shakespeare.” That is a tired, perennial complaint. It is not the point that the eminent Shakespearean Stephen Greenblatt makes in “Teaching a Different Shakespeare From the One I Love.” In fact, he admires the way his students approach and use Shakespeare, but he notes two important differences from his own response when he was their age. First, his students are less likely than he was to identify with Shakespeare, to claim his works as part of their inheritance. And second, they are less likely to be moved by the language itself, “touched by the subtle magic of his words.”

Both observations resonate with my own experience. My father was, like Greenblatt, a Jewish-American academic who claimed the English 16th century as his birthright. Dad was perfectly well aware that his ancestors lived in Eastern Europe in Shakespeare’s time and that people like them were banned from–and hated in–England. But if someone had said that Shakespeare wasn’t really my father’s because he belonged to the English (or to gentiles), Dad would have taken those as fighting words. Like Greenblatt, he might have said that the renaissance heritage “was mine as if by birthright, for the simple reason that English was my native tongue. All that I needed to do was to immerse myself in it passionately.” And just as the literature of renaissance England was ours by virtue of our language, so the political heritage of the English revolution (especially its radical wing) was ours because of its influence on the American liberal tradition. In fact, I may have grown up with the shadow of an unspoken idea that Shakespeare and his age belonged most authentically to people like my father, because he had chosen to devote sophisticated critical attention to the texts. Someone with an English name and an English accent who operated an olde tea shoppe in Stratford-on-Avon was, by comparison, an interloper.

Although I recognize huge differences of context and circumstances, I would suggest a rough analogy to the special affection that many African-American Christians feel for the King James’ Version (KJV) of the Bible, which was the other great literary achievement of Shakespeare’s era. As Adelle Banks writes:

The Rev. Cheryl Sanders, an ordained minister and professor of Christian ethics at Howard University School of Divinity, said the KJV’s soaring language can uplift listeners, especially those who have been oppressed.

“It’s a loftiness to the language that I believe appealed to people who are constantly being told, ‘You don’t count. You’re nobody. You’re at the bottom rung of the ladder,'” said Sanders, who has written about black Christians’ use of the KJV. “If I can memorize a verse of Scripture, it gives me a certain sense of dignity.” …

“Although I think young black people are using other translations and finding them useful, we’ll always have a sentimental attachment to King James,” said [Rev. Joseph] Lowery, a retired United Methodist minister who marched with the late Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.

I would add that the KJV echoes throughout the great canon of African American writing, including, of course, the works of Dr. King: “Let justice will roll down like waters and righteousness as a mighty stream.” (Cf. Amos 5:24.)

Rev. Lowery notes a generational shift when he observes that “young black people are using other translations.” Greenblatt suggests two causes for the similar shift that he observes: a growing tendency to treat authors as alien if they are not demographically similar to the reader, and a shrinking sense of direct, affective awe in response to written poetry.

In assessing these changes, I would avoid polemic. Everyone can decide for herself whether to identify with–and claim–long-dead authors and how to respond to written words. Greenblatt’s students are responding to Shakespeare in creative ways that enrich the culture. I am not saying they are wrong. But I would offer two suggestions:

First, you can claim Shakespeare as yours if you speak English, whether it is a mother tongue or a second language. That is an authentic choice, even if your religion, gender, race, and national origin are very different from his. When presented with the Bard as a model, one political response is to say, “Shakespeare was an old white Christian man from the colonial power, and I am not.” A different political response is: “Shakespeare’s words are mine as much as yours, and if you deny my right to them, I will challenge you.” The latter is no less radical or potentially subversive. Which response to choose is a complex and personal matter, and I don’t object to either. I just want to suggest that the second option is available to anyone. And it may be the path less taken today.

Second, I worry that it is becoming increasingly difficult to hear the power and resonances of very fine written language. Culture is increasingly visual and oral, which expands our capacities in some respects but possibly weakens our ability to absorb the special power of the written word.

We are living at a time of incessant communication. By one estimate, more words were recorded in 2002 alone than in all of human history up through 1999. The increase since then has been exponential. Even the older formats are exploding in scale. About half a million new book titles are published every year in English, whereas about 147 books were licensed annually in England in Shakespeare’s day: a 3,400-fold increase. When communications arrive in a ceaseless deluge, it may require crude and explosive language to capture attention.

One source of literary depth and power is allusion. But in order for an allusion to work, the writer and the reader must know the same referents. An excellent reason to study Shakespeare and the KJV is that they have echoed so pervasively through such diverse texts. There are still millions who can hear those echoes, as others can hear Quranic references in classical Arabic or the Shijing reverberating in modern East Asian verse. But when new text is piped around the world by the terabyte, the chances fall that an audience will recognize any given referent. The most widely shared references are from contemporary mass culture, which tends itself to have thin resonances.

I was pretty absorbed and awestruck when I saw live Shakespeare as a child and as a teenager. The words themselves could bedimm the noontide sun and call forth the mutinous winds. I think that response is less likely today, not because the language has evolved so much further from Elizabethan English, nor because there is anything wrong with today’s kids, but because a child is exposed to a much larger quantity of professionally produced, highly emotional drama: constantly streaming videos of all kinds. A play has much more to compete with.

We also live at a time of manic linguistic invention and expansion, when new words and phrases seem to enter the language daily, often duplicating existing choices and overriding traditional grammatical constraints. (Witness the constant turning of nouns into verbs in business English.) Shakespeare’s time offers certain parallels. The volume of public speech and printed communication was expanding rapidly then as well, and English vocabulary was growing. It is often claimed that Shakespeare personally added 1,500 or 2,000 words to English. Those numbers may be exaggerated because older sources have been lost, and scholars search Shakespeare’s works for alleged coinages without always consulting other surviving texts that might use the same words. But there is no doubt that Shakespeare and his contemporaries shared our predilection for inventing words, mixing sources, bending genres, and breaking all putative grammatical rules.

But they had to expand their language. English wasn’t very old, and it needed a much larger store of words, phrases, and tropes to rival Latin. You can often sense a writer of Shakespeare’s day struggling to convey an idea that now seems very straightforward, just because we have more resources. Today we don’t lack words and phrases, but we struggle to hear the resonances of the ones we have. We turn the noun “impact” into a verb without exploring the possibilities of verbs that have histories, like “affect,” “change,” “influence,” “modify,” “transform” (and many more).

I am not committed to linguistic conservatism as a principle; languages change as a result of wonderful human inventiveness. I agree with Greenblatt that multimedia adaptations and mashups of Shakespeare can be fantastic contributions. Yet we can perhaps profit more than usual by slowing down and hearing the depths of our linguistic inheritance.

[See also “signal” (a poem on this theme) and the political advantages of organized religion, in which I note the political power of “Ezekiel connected dem dry bones” and its roots in the KJV.]

Who May Use the King’s Forest? The Meaning of Magna Carta, Commons and Law in Our Time

The relationship between law and the commons is very much on my mind these days.  I recently posted a four-part serialization of my strategy memo, "Reinventing Law for the Commons."  The following public talk, which I gave at the Heinrich Boell Foundation in Berlin on September 8, is a kind of companion piece.  The theme: this year's celebration of the 800th anniversary of Magna Carta and its significance for commoners today.

A video version of my talk can be seen here -- along with a talk on P2P developments by my colleague Michel Bauwens, and general discussion with the audience moderated by Silke Helfrich.

Thank you for inviting me to speak tonight about the 800th anniversary of the Magna Carta and the significance of law for the commons.  It’s pretty amazing that anyone is still celebrating something that happened eight centuries ago!   Besides our memory of this event, I think it is so interesting what we have chosen to remember about this history, and what we have forgotten.

This anniversary is essentially about the signing of peace treaty on the fields of Runnymede, England, in 1215.  The treaty settled a bloody civil war between the much-despised King John and his rebellious barons eight centuries ago.  What was intended as an armistice was soon regarded as a larger canonical statement about the proper structure of governance.  Amidst a lot of archaic language about medieval ways of life, Magna Carta is now seen as a landmark statement about the limited powers of the sovereign, and the rights and liberties of ordinary people.

The King’s acceptance of Magna Carta after a long civil war seems unbelievably distant and almost forgettable.  How could it have anything to do with us moderns?  I think its durability and resonance have to do with our wariness about concentrated power, especially of the sovereign.  We like to remind ourselves that the authority of the sovereign is restrained by the rule of law, and that this represents a new and civilizing moment in human history.  We love to identify with the underdog and declare that even kings must respect something transcendent and universal called “law,” which is said to protect individual rights and liberties. 

In this spirit, the American Bar Association celebrated Magna Carta in 1957 by erecting a granite memorial at Runnymede bearing the words “Freedom Under Law.”  On grand public occasions – especially this year – judges, politicians, law scholars and distinguished gray eminences like to congregate and declare how constitutional government and representative democracy are continuing to uphold the principles of Magna Carta.  More about that in a minute.

read more

Praising and Shaming in Civic Tech (or Reversed Nudging for Government Responsiveness) 

The other day during a talk with researcher Tanya Lokot I heard an interesting story from Russia. Disgusted with the state of their streets, activists started painting caricatures of government officials over potholes.

 

In the case of a central street in Saratov, the immediate response to one of these graffiti was this:  

 

Later on, following increased media attention – and some unexpected turnarounds – the pothole got fixed.

That reminded me of a recurrent theme in some conversations I have, which refers to whether praising and shaming matters to civic tech and, if so, to which extent. To stay with two classic examples, think of solutions such as FixMyStreet and SeeClickFix, through which citizens publically report problems to the authorities.

Considering government takes action, what prompts them to do so? At a very basic level, three hypothesis are possible:

1) Governments take action based on their access to distributed information about problems (which they supposedly are not aware of)

2) Governments take action due to the “naming and shaming” effect, avoiding to be publically perceived as unresponsive (and seeking praise for its actions)

3) Governments take action for both of the reasons above

Some could argue that hypothesis 3 is the most likely to be true, with some governments leaning more towards one reason to respond than others. Yet, the problem is that we know very little about these hypotheses, if anything. In other words – to my knowledge – we do not know whether making reports through these platforms public makes any difference whatsoever when it comes to governments’ responsiveness. Some might consider this as a useless academic exercise: as long as these tools work, who cares? But I would argue that the answer that questions matters a lot when it comes to the design of similar civic tech initiatives that aim to prompt government to action.

AAAFMSscreenshot

Let’s suppose that we find that all else equal governments are significantly more responsive to citizen reports when these are publically displayed. This would have importance both in terms of process and technological design. In terms of process, for instance, civic tech initiatives would probably be more successful if devoting part of their resources to amplify the visibility of government action and inaction (e.g. through local media). Conversely, from a technological standpoint, designers should devote substantive more effort on interfaces that maximizes praising and shaming of governments based on their performance (e.g. rankings, highlighting pending reports). Conversely, we might find that publicizing reports have very little effect in terms of responsiveness. In that case, more work would be needed to figure out which other factors – beyond will and capacity – play a role in government responsiveness (e.g. quality of reports).   

Most likely, praising and shaming would depend on a number of factors such as political competition, bureaucratic autonomy, and internal performance routines. But a finer understanding of that would not only bear an impact on the civic tech field, but across the whole accountability landscape. To date, we know very little about it. Yet, one of the untapped potential of civic technology is precisely that of conducting experiments at lowered costs. For instance, conducting randomized controlled trials on the effects on the publicization of government responsiveness should not be so complicated (e.g effects of rankings, amplifying visibility of unfixed problems). Add to that analysis of existing systems’ data from civic tech platforms, and some good qualitative work, and we might get a lot closer at figuring out what makes politicians and civil servants’ “tick”.

Until now, behavioral economics in public policy has been mainly about nudging citizens toward preferred choices. Yet it may be time to start also working in the opposite direction, nudging governments to be more responsive to citizens. Understanding whether praising and shaming works (and if so, how and to what extent) would be an important step in that direction.

***

Also re-posted on Civicist.


Support NICD’s Crowdfunding Campaign for Text, Talk, Act

Earlier this morning, one of our great NCDD organizational members, the National Institute for Civil Discourse, launched an online crowdfunding campaign to support the important work of Text, Talk, Act (TTA) – an amazing youth dialogue program that gets young people talking and taking action around the difficult issue of mental health – and we want to encourage our members to support the effort!

TTA is one of the most successful programs to have come out of the Creating Community Solutions (CCS) initiative that the White House launched in 2013 as a vehicle for national conversation on mental health, and as one of the steering organizations for CCS, NCDD has been a supporter since the beginning. We’ve seen the impact that TTA can have in teens’ lives, so we want to join with NICD to urge you to consider making a tax-deductible donation in support of this important work by clicking here.

Text, Talk, Act dialogues can literally save lives, so please consider making a donation today! You can also help spread the word by sharing the link to the campaign on social media: https://crowdfund.arizona.edu/TTAhero.

All of the funds raised in the crowdfunding campaign will go directly to support TTA programming by providing text messaging technology, materials for youth organizers, outreach coordination, and more. The more that you can help us raise in this crowdfunding effort, the more young people that will be engaged in these important conversations about taking care of and finding support for their mental health.

For more info, you can watch NICD’s promotional video on the project below:

Thanks in advance for supporting this great work!

We encourage you to learn more about TTA and how you can host a youth dialogue on mental health in your community by visiting www.creatingcommunitysolutions.org/texttalkact.

One University with Great Leadership

At so many colleges and universities, administrators can be checked out and out of touch, or be disaffected pencil pushers. Faculty and their administrators rarely get along well. I am with folks who want to challenge leadership when it’s wrong. At the same time, it’s important to give credit where it is due. On top of that, when there is great leadership, we should recognize it and point it out, especially if we want more of it.

The Lyceum building at the University of Mississippi.

Some fantastic universities can be really poorly run. I recall hearing recently about some foolishness from Emory University’s President. He encouraged compromise in the public sphere with reference to the 3/5ths compromise as his guiding example. It was one of the awful elements of our Constitution. Fortunately, Emory will soon have a new President, who will, I hope, be a bit more thoughtful and wise in his public commentaries.

When I was an undergraduate at Vanderbilt University, I remember hearing about how unhappy many were with the Chancellor there (before Gordon Gee). At SIU, where I got my Ph.D., the university went through a few chancellors while I was there. The last one before I left had plagiarized a big portion of his dissertation. I don’t even remember the name of the Chancellor at Ohio University, where I got my Master’s degree. Coming to the University of Mississippi, therefore, I felt surprised and blessed to meet and watch several great Chancellors who have many times done the right, courageous things to do.

Photo of Weber with Chancellor Dan JonesI had cause to call Chancellor Dan Jones to action and to criticize the administration when a student and I got no response for nearly a year. That said, after we applied some pressure, we got the change that we wanted. Despite that one difficulty, I thought and still think very highly of Chancellor Jones. He made the right, tough decision many times. It’s important to call attention to examples like these. Last semester, he visited my Philosophy of Leadership course, where the students got to ask him questions about our readings, his experience, and what is worth losing one’s job over as a leader.

This morning, a Saturday, I wrote the University of Mississippi’s attorney and copied the Chancellor — presently Acting Chancellor Morris Stocks — about a pressing concern that I had this morning. The cause of my email isn’t the point here. The point is about the response I got. I wrote them at 9 am. In under two hours, I had heard from the university attorney, who answered us both. I then replied with a followup thought, given that feedback. Twenty minutes later, I heard from the Chancellor, who called my thought reasonable and who copied the relevant director at the university on that message. 37 minutes later, I heard from that director that he was going to take care of the issue — a response without a hint of complaint, only with appreciation for the thought and message. A plan was made in under 3 hours, before noon, on a Saturday, to resolve the concern I raised. My head is still spinning over the promptness of the replies I got.

Chart of enrollment growth at the university, through 2014, when we had reached a total of 22,000 students.To understand why this is a big deal, it might help to know a few more things about this little story (admittedly and necessarily short on some details). As an institution, our annual operating budget is just shy of $2 Billion — yes, with a “B.” We have a medical center, Schools of Pharmacy, Journalism, Accountancy, Applied Sciences, Business, and more (I’m in the College of Liberal Arts). I understand that we have over 800 full-time faculty members and we’re growing.

Despite that remarkable scale and complexity, I emailed top university leadership and heard from three of them within three hours time on a Saturday. The is ball rolling towards resolution of my concern. I had to take a moment to reflect on how lucky I am to be at an institution in which that could happen. There is good reason why the university is bursting at the seems with enrollment growth, fundraising, and increases in all of the right numbers, despite our share of setbacks and ugly moments. Some places have decreasing enrollment and some small schools are even shutting down as a result. By contrast, the University of Mississippi is growing. Even our tough moments, like election night 2012, offer opportunities for growth, like the candlelight vigil that was the subject of the cover photo for my recent book, Uniting Mississippi:

A section of the artwork for 'Uniting Mississippi,' featuring members of the University of Mississippi community gathered for a 2012 candlelight vigil in Oxford, MS.

When there are reasons and ways in which we need to change, I’ll be among the first to encourage us to do so. I presently try to do that on a regular basis as it is. Today, I feel compelled to call attention to how responsive my university leadership has just been. Bad leadership would ignore some complaining professor’s email, especially on a Saturday. What can’t wait until Monday?

That’s not the response I got. At least one university has great leadership.

Photos from the book signing at Square Books

Thanks to Daniel Perea for snapping these pictures at the book signing on Wednesday (September 9th, 2015)! Daniel kindly agreed to let me have the copyright for the images (Weber, 2015). Please do not use these without permission. Visit my contact page and drop me a line if you’d like to use one, especially for press or promotional purposes for future events. Thank you, Daniel!

I also want to thank Cody Morrison and Square Books for being great hosts. It was a wonderful first book signing experience. I’m honored and was very grateful and encouraged to see a number of nice folks brave the weather to hear about Uniting Mississippi. I’m pleased to report that we sold all but two copies, though one of those remaining is now gone. Square Books has one left as I write this, though a new shipment will be there soon. I’ll head over at some point soon to sign those, as one of the really cool things about real, brick and mortar bookstores like Square Books, and about literary towns like Oxford, is that authors sign books here and you can get your new book already signed by the author. You can’t do that on the forest-river-yellow Web site site. Thanks again, Square Books!

sb-signing-090915-2 sb-signing-090915--10 sb-signing-090915-8 Daniel Perea took these photos at my book signing for 'Uniting Mississippi,' held at Square Books. sb-signing-090915--11 sb-signing-090915-4 sb-signing-090915-7 sb-signing-090915--13 Photo of Weber signing a book for Mrs. Gray in Oxford, MS. sb-signing-090915-1b sb-signing-090915-1 sb-signing-090915-3

To learn more about the book, visit my page for Uniting Mississippi. If you’d like to support local bookstores like Square Books, you can order your copy on their Web site here:

Buy ‘Uniting Mississippi’ from Square Books

You can also see a brochure about the book here:

Printable Adobe PDF Brochure for ‘Uniting Mississippi’

unions, communities, and economic mobility

A new paper by Richard Freeman, Eunice Han, David Madland, and Brendan Duke, Bargaining for the American Dream: What Unions do for Mobility is getting a lot of attention. A key finding is that a parent’s union membership boosts the economic prospects of the children as they grow up and form their own households. The effects are large and especially pronounced for working-class union families.

That result deserves headlines, but I will focus on another significant finding, because it relates to civic engagement. Freeman and colleagues find that labor union membership boosts the economic mobility of all children in the community. They control for a range of relevant factors that might explain away this positive effect (for instance, the makeup of local industry and the progressivity of the tax code.) They find that labor unions have positive effects for non-members.

That finding contributes to a larger literature about the positive economic outcomes of various kinds of civic associations:

  • Freeman and colleagues build on the influential research by Chetty, Hendren, Kline, and Saez (2014). Chetty and colleagues found that the odds of moving up the socio-economic ranks are very strongly linked to the community where you grow up, and the main features of the community that matter are: having less residential segregation, less income inequality, better primary schools (measured by income-adjusted test scores and dropout rates), more family stability, and higher social capital. Their main measure of social capital is an index of “voter turnout rates, the fraction of people who return their census forms, and various measures of participation in community organizations.”
  • In our own work, we also found strong economic benefits from what we called “social cohesion” at the community level. We defined that as the degree to which residents socialize, communicate, and collaborate with one another. Separately, we looked at the number of nonprofit organization in a community. Both social cohesion and nonprofit density were strong predictors of economic success for communities, even after we adjusted for many other factors like those considered by Chetty et al and Freeman et al. Just as an example of our findings, “An employed individual in 2008 was twice as likely to become unemployed if he or she lived in a community with few nonprofit organizations (the bottom five percent in nonprofit density) rather than one with in the top five percent for nonprofit density, even if the two communities were otherwise similar.”

A union could be considered an example of social capital. (It is an organization of members.) However, Freeman and colleagues controlled for social capital and still found a strong effect for unions. Their method distinguished union membership from civic participation, and the result was a distinct advantage for unions. That raises two questions: 1) Why would civic participation in general have anything to do with economic outcomes at the community level? And 2) Is the case of unions special? For both questions, I would like to focus on the benefits to non-members, because belonging to a union, a church, or an NAACP chapter can have direct and easily explained value for the individuals who join.

Social cohesion, social capital, and nonprofit density (which are overlapping but not identical constructs) could have economic benefits because: active and organized citizens obtain better governance and better laws; they gain skills and values from participation that they also use to help others in their communities; the associations they form reduce community-level problems, such as crime; these associations spread information and raise knowledge; or these associations build norms of trust and collaboration that enable people to contribute to the economy. There is literature to support each of these mechanisms, but no way to be sure whether they contribute to the patterns we see here.

Unions could fit into any of these stories. For instance, unions seek legislation and they may teach members how to collaborate and trust one another. Unions could also be seen as a special case because they have collective bargaining power. Also, people typically join a union because the workplace is unionized, not because they go out looking for a union to join. A knitting club seems very different: highly voluntary, trust-driven, but lacking in explicit economic power. So there could be an economic explanation applicable to unions alone, e.g., by bargaining for higher wages in their own industry, they send positive ripples through the local job market.

Still, I wouldn’t differentiate too starkly between unions and other associations. It is always a bit misleading to see membership as pure individual choice. People join knitting clubs and soccer leagues because someone else has organized these groups (which is hard and skillful work) and has recruited members. So organizing and outreach are always fundamental.

In short, I would posit that all associations–including but not limited to unions–use a set of similar means to improve economic welfare and mobility in their communities. Some of their means run through the state–they obtain better governance–and some of them result from voluntary action apart from the state. Unions do have some special features that allow them to grow to large scale when conditions are favorable and that give them bargaining power. Although their special features are important, unions are also part of a larger story about organized civic life in the US.

See also The Legitimacy of Labor Unions (2001), and my posts on Why the Garden Club Couldn’t Save Youngstown; civic engagement and jobs; and unemployment and civic engagement: the video.