LGBT-Religious Conservative Dialogue Yields New Utah Law

We were inspired by this wonderful piece from NCDD supporting member Dr. Jacob Hess of All of Life and Political-Dialogue.com on a controversial but promising development in Utah legislation that was brokered by long-term intergroup dialogue. Jacob’s piece explores how dialogue between religious conservatives and LGBTQ advocates created unlikely collaborations, and it holds a lot of insight for us in our work. You can read Jacob’s article below or find the original here.


Did Something Really Good or Really Bad Just Happen in Utah?

Leaning back in his chair, Jim Dabakis – an openly gay state senator from Utah – quoted one columnist who recently called him a “quisling” for his efforts to explore potential common ground with Mormon legislators.

He added with a wry smile, “I’m not even sure what that word means…but it doesn’t sound good!”  (He’s right! quisling = “a traitor who collaborates with an occupying enemy force.”)

Depending on your perspective, something emerged from Utah’s 2015 legislative session last week that is either a “landmark,” a “watershed moment” and even a “miracle” – or a bill variously called “pathetic,” “shameful” and “the baddest of bad ideas.”

Disagreements aside, almost everyone might agree on how surprising it was to see Jim Dabakis hugging a Mormon apostle, Tom Perry, at the bill’s signing ceremony.  What’s up with that?!

Background.

After the extensive Mormon support of California’s Proposition 8 in 2008, relations between the LGBT community and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints were anything but tranquil. A year later, Church security detained a gay couple kissing on Temple Square in an incident that became another touch-point for hostility – ultimately compelling leaders from both the LGBT community and the church to begin meeting in person.

The first of these meetings, summarized in the L.A. Times and Salt Lake Tribune, was described as “awkward” and “quite uncomfortable” – until, at least, people began to share details of their personal journeys. Alongside surprising tears and laughter, one participant reflected that ultimately, “what everyone found is that we really liked each other.”

A second meeting was organized – then a third.  They began to happen regularly. One Mormon who participated in these early conversations described them as “defined by feelings of love and respect and a desire to make things better.” Dabakis stated, “Both sides found out they had plenty to learn about each other, and both sides have come a long way in their mutual understanding.”

By the time Christmas season rolled around, the LGBT activists involved in the conversations were invited with their same-sex partners to be special guests at the popular Mormon Tabernacle Choir’s Christmas concert. Dabakis recalled,We met in church headquarters, hugged, introduced all our partners. As they were taking us to the VIP seats, we walked across the plaza where the kissing went on. And a church elder said laughing, ‘Anyone want to kiss? No problem.’”

Reflecting on the significant change in atmosphere from these earlier years, Dabakis said, “there was a hostility and a bitterness and a disdain and a disrespect for each other, and we have gotten through that… Without those conversations, we’d still be two camps ensconced in the mountains shaking their fists at each other.” One participant said the discussions “reaffirmed for me the power of people talking to each other – even if you have incredible differences. You start to see the humanity.”

Embracing common ground. 

Once actual relationships began to form, some basic common ground quickly became obvious. In a move that surprised many (if not the dialogue participants), the Church formally voiced public support for a 2009 Salt Lake City ordinance on housing and employment nondiscrimination for the LGBT community. “The issue before you tonight,” LDS Church spokesperson Michael Otterson said at the city meeting, “is the right of people to have a roof over their heads and the right to work without being discriminated against… In drafting this ordinance, the city has granted common-sense rights that should be available to everyone, while safeguarding the crucial rights of religious organizations.”

This event was the beginning of what some have tried to characterize as the church being “swayed” and experiencing a “change of heart” or even some contrition for earlier political involvement. Church leaders have described it much differently – as a continuation of action consistent with core beliefs in a changing political environment.

Apostle D. Todd Christofferson clarified, “This is not a doctrinal evolution or change, as far as the church is concerned,” the apostle said. “It’s how things are approached.”

Senator Dabakis agrees.  In a 2013 interview exploring the ongoing dialogues, he emphasized that there are still many points of disagreement: “I don’t think the church has given one iota on gay marriage – maybe they never will – and neither have we. On the other hand, we have found a lot of commonalities that we can work on” – highlighting a joint efforts to help homeless kids.

In recent years, Church leaders have also increasingly encouraged members to follow the example of Christ in working with disagreements. Apostle Dallin Oaks encouraged Latter-Day Saints in 2014 to respond with “civility” when their views are not upheld in judicial or legislative decisions: “When our positions do not prevail, we should accept unfavorable results graciously, and practice civility with our adversaries.”  He also encouraged members to reject persecution “of any kind, including persecution based on race, ethnicity, religious belief or nonbelief, and differences in sexual orientation.”

The message has been that Church members can practice this respect without compromising their own theological convictions.  As general women’s leader Neill Marriott explained at an early 2015 press conference, the Mormon belief in the traditional family “comes from sacred scripture and we are not at liberty to change it.”

At the same gathering, Dallin Oaks and others encouraged further exploration of balanced “legislation that protects vital religious freedoms for individuals, families, churches and other faith groups while also protecting the rights of our LGBT citizens in such areas as housing, employment, and public accommodation in hotels, restaurants, and transportation.” In a subsequent interview, he clarified the Church’s broader argument that neither religious freedom nor non-discrimination were “absolutes” – and that limitations and exceptions needed to be acknowledged for each.

Shortly after this press conference, legislators in Utah began meeting with gay rights and conservative leaders in extensive deliberations to explore potential policies that brought together both nondiscrimination and religious freedom elements into one bill (SB 296). Describing the experience, Senator Dabakis said, “I think it’s the most exhausting thing I’ve ever done in my life.”

Out of these deliberations, leaders and legislators gathered to announce a bill (SB 296) that represented common ground that both sides felt they could agree upon, as well as (slight) compromises [1] each were willing to make at this time. What exactly to make of this simultaneous policy initiative is a matter of widely diverging interpretation.

Best or Worst of Utah?

Some observers have insisted that what subsequently unfolded is simply another reflection of Mormon prejudice. “It is just another scheme, you watch,” one person said.  Others called it “a PR stunt and nothing more” and “a craftily crafted crafting of crafty exemptions.” [2] Nancy Wilson from Metropolitan Community Churches (MCC) argued that local gay leaders had become “pawns in a global strategy of placing religious rights over all other constitutional and civil liberties.”

Those most closely involved in the actual deliberations, however, almost universally saw the experience and outcome very differently. Equality Utah Executive Director Troy Williams called the action a “monumental day” and suggested that “This vote proves that protections for gay and transgender people in housing and the workplace can gracefully coexist with the rights of people of faith. One does not exist at the expense of the other.”  Bill sponsor Steve Urquart stated, “LGBT rights and religious liberties are not opposite; they are not mutually incompatible.”

One legal consultant stated the bill gave “great assurances to religious believers that extending LGBT rights does not have to wash out the character of their faith communities.” Apostle D. Todd Christofferson agreed, describing the bill as a mechanism for protecting the LGBT community “in a way that was not threatening to other things that we hold precious.”

Senator Dabakis summarized, “It’s incredibly important in our community that we make sure that religious liberties are protected, and I think that [this bill] does that and it does it very, very well. It also protects the LGBT community against discrimination. That’s what we set out to do. I think that’s what we do.”

The LDS Church also issued a statement: “In a society which has starkly diverse views on what rights should be protected, the most sensible way to move forward is for all parties to recognize the legitimate concerns of others. While none of the parties achieved all they wanted, we do at least now have an opportunity to lessen the divisiveness in our communities without compromising on key principles.”

‘Compromise’ a good thing?

Recent surveys show the general public increasingly wants the U.S. Congress and other elected officials to find pragmatic compromises that diverse communities can live with. In our winner-take-all political atmosphere, however, the word “compromise” still retains a pejorative sense for many. As Washington Post journalists point out, citizens have mixed feelings about ‘working together’ on certain issues:

Everyone likes the idea of compromise – both in politics and in life more generally. We all like to think of ourselves as reasonable people who are always looking for the common-sense middle ground on a given issue and we want our politicians to reflect that approach. But, our desire for compromise goes out the window when it’s an issue that matters to us and/or where we are convinced we are right.

Some members of both communities reflected this kind of resistance. For instance, one person argued that when it comes to nondiscrimination, “‘balance’ or ‘compromise’ is not applicable here. You don’t compromise where the protection of your civil rights are concerned. You don’t beg and cajole for it. You don’t even ask politely…You demand it as your right as an American citizen.” Another said, “How about just saying you can’t discriminate for any reason. Period.”

Translation:  When it comes to nondiscrimination, there are no exceptions, no limitations, and no compromises that should be considered.

Similar sentiments were heard from citizens on the right: “As a religious practicing Christian I can’t help but feel we just struck a deal with the devil to allow a little more wickedness to be accepted into society. Right is right and wrong is wrong… I feel like good Christians have just been pushed a little more out of the way for the LGBT movement’s agenda.” Southern Baptist Convention leader Russell Moore cautioned that proposals to address discrimination against gay people in employment or housing “inevitably lead to targeted assaults on religious liberty.”

Translation:  When it comes to religious freedom, there are no exceptions, no limitations, and no compromises that should be considered.

Those involved in the Utah dialogues, by contrast, came to see win-win solutions by working together: “Both sides need protection under the law,” one person wrote. “I am glad to see compromise. We all want freedom to live and function under our convictions and life choices, religious or otherwise.” Senator Steve Urquhart stated, “That’s what we do in America – we balance rights.  We balance liberties.  And I think we’re doing a fine job of that in this legislation.”

Fred Sainz, a vice president with the Human Rights Campaign, agreed:  “This is all upside. The fact that employers will be prohibited from discriminating, and the fact that the LDS church could work towards common ground should be a model for common ground.” He continued, “Legislation is about compromise. The idea is, were you able to preserve principles important to your [religious] community, and the principles most important to our [LGBT] community were preserved and strengthened.”

Remaining questions.

Both sides in the deliberation also agreed there is more work to be done. Kent Frogley, with the Utah Pride Center, called the bill a “huge step forward” – adding, “It’s not perfect, but there are still lots of opportunities to work together and continue to evolve.” And a summary from the Mormon Newsroom acknowledges the problem that to this point, no current bill yet addresses “the provision of goods and services in the marketplace” – noting this as “an area that is simply too divisive to find a middle ground at this time.”

As both communities take future steps towards additional common ground legislation, it will be helpful to acknowledge basic differences in how both discrimination and religious freedom are interpreted and viewed. For instance, there is not wide agreement concerning to what degree religious freedom is under threat – and what appropriate limits ought to be pursued or allowed. One commenter asked, “Religious freedom is already protected, so why go to such lengths?” Another said, “Religion needs no more protection. They have far too much protection as it is.”

The religious side, by contrast, points to public sentiments that highlight their own desire to affirm protections for open religious expression – e.g., comments such as “Keep it in [worship service] and no one will care. Share it in public and you get what you deserve.”/ “Leave your religion at home or at church where it belongs.”

When it comes to the meaning and limits of nondiscrimination, similar differences in perspective exist.  Some, for instance, see Utah’s legislative compromise as simply a “license to discriminate” or “legalizing discrimination.”  Others label the bill as “sidestepping discrimination laws” or “trying to justify discrimination in the name of god” or “freeing religious people to discriminate at will.”

By contrast, religious authors who advocate some practical benefits of the law, suggest that “the better view is that it is not discrimination for a religious organization to require behavior consistent with its religious doctrines.” Senator Dabakis himself also explained why he felt the bill’s protections were “even handed” in protecting “people in expressing their religious opinions – but also their expression of marriage and sexuality.”

These and other disagreements remain to be explored and considered in future deliberation, between both citizens and their representatives. The difference now is that people in Utah see a way forward that both sides can support.

Looking forward.

Robin Fretwell Wilson, a University of Illinois law professor who helped draft the “Utah compromise” legislation, stated prior to the bill’s passage, “If Utah can get this balance between religious liberty and gay rights right, I really think it will be the pivot moment for the country.” She described the legislation as “détente” and a “truce in the culture war”:  “We have to find a way to live together. We just can’t endlessly be litigating against each other. We can’t endlessly be in culture wars.”

Senator Dabakis reflected, “We’ve found a way where people who have totally conflicting ideas, that were at the edge of war in 2008, have rolled up their sleeves, worked together, and built bridges rather than blow them up… Then we have walked across that bridge together.” He continued, “Oh, if the country could be like this.  This bill is a model – not just of legislation, but more importantly of how to bridge the cultural rift tearing America apart… I know that, together, we can build a community that strongly protects religious organizations, constitutional liberties, and, in addition, creates a civil, respectful, nurturing culture where differences are honored and everyone feels welcome… I’m so proud of our state.”

Since every state is different, clearly the details of law won’t apply everywhere.  But as stated by one journalist, perhaps it isUtah’s path to newly passed legislation that… might be more of a template for the nation than the law itself.This includes a long-term process of seeking understanding, combined with a willingness to act together. As former Utah Gov. Mike Leavitt stated at a panel discussion at the Brookings Institution, “I think a key element of the secret sauce here is moving to meet the needs of both simultaneously. It has to happen at the same time because the other side will not trust that you will come back and protect them later.” [3]

Despite these intentions and hopes, Troy Williams, Jim Dabakis, and other gay rights leaders in Utah continue to be accused by some observers of being “sell-outs” – people who got “played” by Utah religious leaders.

These critics are wrong. The open-hearted approach Dabakis, Williams, and others (like Kendall Wilcox, with Mormons Building Bridges) have taken has been crucial in galvanizing a legitimately fresh and vibrant dynamic of good will and respect in Utah. Spend time with any of these leaders and you will learn for yourself the courage and grace these deliberations have required.

Even though none of these leaders are entirely happy with the legislation, there is a sense of empathy and appreciation that it represents the common ground Utahans are ready to stand on right now.  As that empathetic spirit continues to shape the conversations ahead, this author believes that the LGBT community will find many in the Utah religious community willing to substantially compromise on public accommodations – even as other, more basic areas of free religious expression continue to be protected.

Even those who disagree on the ultimate worth of this legislation might agree that there’s something intriguing about the surprising degree of good will that characterized these events. In a spontaneous moment of celebration at the signing ceremony last week, Senator Jim Dabakis and Mormon apostle L. Tom Perry pointed at each other in appreciation and affection, “You did it!” “No, you did it!”

What’s up with that?!

You can find the original version of Jacob’s article on his website at http://political-dialogue.com/2015/03/20/did-something-really-good-or-really-bad-just-happen-in-utah.

Register for the 2015 IAF N. American Conference

We want to make sure that our NCDD members know about the upcoming North American conference of the International Association of Facilitators this May 14-16 in Banff, Canada. Regular non-IAF member registration is $860 for this great networking and capacity building gathering. You can read more in IAFNA’s announcement below or at www.iafna2015.com.


iaf logoClimb towards new heights and seek out new vistas! The picturesque mountain scape of Banff Alberta Canada inspires a conference program that gives you opportunities to explore and elevate your facilitation knowledge and skills. The Conference theme is: Innovating, Promoting and Applying! Seeking New Facilitation Heights and Insights.

Innovating – learn about new trends, research, and creativity in facilitation

Promoting – communicate and market facilitation profession and services

Applying – learn, practice and improve facilitation skills

NOW is a great time to register for IAFNA 2015 in Banff to take advantage of current economical fees that increase the longer you wait. Your THREE general steps are:

1) Register for the Conference – read descriptions below and select applicable button that link to easy online forms and flexible payment options.

2) Book Accommodations – for greatest convenience and solid value on-site at The Banff Centre, book using link available at end of Conference Registration process.

3) Select Workshops – watch for a notice about where, how and when (approx. March 10+/-) to select your preferred workshops, subject to available space.

For more on information on the IAFNA 2015 program, visit www.iafna2015.com/program.

EvDem Webinar on Recruiting for Dialogue & Action, Apr. 9

We want to encourage our NCDD members to join the good people with Everyday Democracy, an NCDD member organization, for a helpful webinar they are hosting this April 9th at 4pm EST. EvDem LogoThe webinar is called “How to Recruit Leaders and Volunteers for Your Cause” and is a great chance for those of us who work with volunteers or are interested in growing our organizations.

The webinar will feature insights on recruiting and retention from Everyday Democracy Program Officer Janee Woods Weber. Here’s how EvDem describes the event:

Join us for a webinar on recruiting new leaders and volunteers on April 9 at 4pm ET.

This is a webinar to explore best practices for recruiting coalition members, facilitators, and participants for your dialogue and action work. We’ll talk about how to get started, how to recruit groups that are hard to reach, and 10 tips for recruiting new leaders. Join this webinar to get some great tips on getting people to sign up for your cause!

We hope you’ll take advantage of this great opportunity! You can register today by visiting https://attendee.gotowebinar.com/register/7632196557590205953, or visit EvDem’s original announcement about the event by clicking here.

Learning from SUNY Racial Justice Deliberations

Our partners with the National Issues Forums Institute recently shared an interesting piece from SUNY Professor Scott Corely on his experiences hosting NIFI-style deliberations about racial and ethnic justice on campus. He shares rich insights and lessons that many of us could learn from, so we encourage you to read his piece below or to find the original NIFI post here.


A Report about Racial and Ethnic Justice Deliberations at SUNY Broome Community College

NIF logo

Overview and Explanation

In 2013, I began thinking about how civic engagement efforts can be eloquently, deliberately, and effectively combined with efforts aimed at promoting racial justice. Eventually I decided to update and modify NIFI’s Racial and Ethnic Tensions: What Should We Do? (published in 2000) so as to update the statistical information, include current events stories, and re-frame the guide away from “reducing tensions” to “promoting justice.” The revised deliberation guide utilized concepts drawn broadly from social justice, peace studies, and racial justice literature and specifically from the pedagogy of Intergroup Dialogue.

The frames are as follows:

  • Approach 1: Address racial and ethnic injustice and inequality on institutional and structural levels
  • Approach 2: Reduce racial and ethnic injustice by extensively encouraging education / training programs
  • Approach 3: Address racial and ethnic problems on an individual level

The fruits of my labor resulted in a 26 page deliberation guide (that still contains a good amount of text from the original version), a moderator’s guide, and a placemat. I’ve ran this deliberation on a very experimental basis involving only a handful of people twice for about an hour in the spring semester of 2014. More in-depth deliberations then took place the next academic year starting in the fall, 2014 in my Social Problems class, at an adjunct training conference, and for 25 VISTA and Americorps volunteers for 2-1/2 hours who participated in the discussion for anti-racism training purposes.

On February 17th, I ran this deliberation at SUNY Broome again with 24 attendees, half of whom were students and the other half BCC faculty and staff, for 3 hours. On February 18th, I ran this deliberation at Binghamton University, which is one of the state university’s flagship institutions, with approximately 40 students for 1-1/2 hours.

Initial Observations

My initial, and most important, observation is that the modified framework is effective. The 3 approaches “flow” into one another eloquently as they are relatively distinctive, but interconnected ways to address racial and ethnic injustice. I was pleased to notice how participants were able to discuss the approaches in and of themselves, but not without somehow referring to issues and concepts connected to the other 2 approaches. With good moderation, deliberation participants can clearly understand the major ideas associated with race, racism, and racial justice, but in relationship to advantages, drawbacks, tensions, and tradeoffs connected to various courses of action. Overall, I observed rich and informative conversations.

To increase the chances of executing this deliberation successfully, it seems vital that, similar to other deliberations, the run-time be at least 2 hours and audience (participant) composition should be as diverse as possible in every measure. I also believe that while discussion moderators need not be “experts” in social justice, cultural competency, or the like, moderation skills would no doubt be enhanced with a certain level of familiarity with major concepts and terminology associated with racial justice work. And in order to increase the chances that potential discussion participants can draw on the same information, have a base-line understanding of the topic, and are able to use the same language effectively, the modified discussion guide also needs to be shortened.

Future Efforts

Currently, there are plans to run this deliberation in SUNY BCC’s residence halls and at Binghamton University within the next few weeks. I will also have the opportunity to have SUNY BCC students deliberate about this topic using the modified Racial Justice guide in a criminal justice class, a public policy class, and during a student club general meeting. In the spirit of expanding the use of this deliberation beyond Broome County, I have hopes that New York Campus Compact and/or the State University of New York Diversity and Inclusion Taskforce may help provide incentives, encouragement, and infrastructure for other SUNY campuses to run this forum.

It may also be noteworthy to point out that I will begin developing another discussion guide on minority communities and law enforcement. With another colleague, I am organizing a panel discussion and open forum on March 5th which I will use to begin acquiring initial data to develop the framework. The panelists include a member of City Council, a police chief, a member of the NACCP, and an ACLU branch director.

The link contains more information and news coverage of the racial justice deliberation at SUNY BCC on February 17th: www.wicz.com/news2005/viewarticle.asp?a=37040.

The following link contains a brief newspaper article used for advertising purposes for the deliberation at SUNY BCC: www.pressconnects.com/story/news/2015/02/17/racial-issue-event-broome/23549099.

You can find the original version of this piece on the NIFI website at www.nifi.org/en/groups/scott-corley-report-about-racial-and-ethnic-justice-deliberations-suny-broome-community.

3 Tips on Preparing for Dialogue from PCP

We encourage you to check out one of the most recent pieces from the Public Conversations Project, an NCDD organizational member, on key things to keep in mind about the importance of being preparation before dialogue. You can read the piece from PCP’s blog below or find the original here.


Preparation: Three Lessons from George Mitchell in Northern Ireland

PCP new logoGeorge Mitchell didn’t enter Northern Ireland as a peacemaker. In February of 1995, President Clinton appointed him to a trade mission, meant to last until the end of the year. Rather than dedicating himself solely to policy, he spent his time building relationships, learning about the context in Northern Ireland, and earning the trust of all with whom he worked.

Before the end of his appointment, authorities from Britain and Northern Ireland accepted Mitchell as one of three chairmen on an international commission on the disarmament of paramilitary organizations. Of the work the three chairmen would do over the next two and a half years, they would spend a comparatively small amount of time, only seven months, in substantive negotiations.

What distinguishes Mitchell’s work? A model of preparation applicable in all levels of dialogue.

Over the course of months, Mitchell and his team created a series of documents based on their preparatory conversations that would guide the peace process. Similar to the framework of our flagship workshop, Power of Dialogue, these included ground rules, guidelines for conduct, an agenda for the opening plenary session, and terms of reference for the proceedings. Through this preparation, the parties voluntarily appointed Mitchell as chairman of the plenary sessions, and began to trust that he would act as a confidential and impartial facilitator of the ten parties involved – the British and Irish governments and eight Northern Ireland political parties.

In his account of the proceedings, Mitchell recognized, “Ultimately my ability to be effective would depend more upon my gaining the participants’ trust and confidence than on the formal description of my authority.” In spite of reoccurring violence, threats, attacks on his credibility, and leaks to the press, George Mitchell’s peace process plugged along, in no small part because of the framework and foundation he created with thorough preparation. The preparation did not minimize the divergences among the parties, nor did it attempt to begin building a solution. But preparation for any conversation – from a roommate conflict to a political conflict – can be invaluable.

As you begin to prepare for your dialogue, here are three things you can learn from George Mitchell:

1. Listen.

In his account of the process, Mitchell said, “For the two years of negotiations, I listened and listened, and then I listened some more.” Begin to understand what the people involved in your dialogue want to talk about. Ultimately, this is their dialogue and you are there to serve their purposes.

Feedback and information from party leaders directly informed everything from ground rules to the chairman and the agenda. Mitchell spoke at length with the British government as well as the representatives of North Ireland’s groups before beginning the dialogue to understand the full complexity of the conflict. (Granted the ramifications of this agreement would have an effect on British constitutional law, the Irish Constitution, and governance of Northern Ireland… but the principles are the same if the only effect is on house rules in a college dorm.)

2. Take the opportunity to ask the right questions. 

At Public Conversations, we focus our preparation on questions that will equip the participants to participate in the dialogue as much as possible, such as: What would allow you to feel safe in these discussions? What would inhibit you from participating in these discussions? What are you afraid of? What do you hope to achieve if all goes well? Who are you responsible for and what do they think?

From the responses you gather, these conversations can help inform your structure of the meeting and the rules that guide it.

3. Don’t forget to build relationships.

As a facilitator, you are responsible for holding the participants of a dialogue to their rules and their process. To do so, they must trust you to lead them in an impartial and constructive way. Each participant must trust your confidentiality and your dedication to their purposes.

As the negotiations in Northern Ireland picked up speed, Mitchell writes, “The only people who observed the rule [of confidentiality] were the independent chairmen. I believe that was one reason why the three of us gained the respect of the participants.” And as others began to breach the rule, they looked to Mitchell for guidance.

Preparation has been at the core of Public Conversations work for over 25 years, and we’ve realized many of the same benefits Mitchell did in Northern Ireland. Whether on the international stage or at the office, we all feel the temptation to get to the “actual work” as quickly as possible. But preparation should be prioritized, as it can lay the foundation for a constructive dialogue. So as you strive to use dialogue to encourage connection across painful divides, we hope you consider using these tools to set a foundation for a more effective conversation.

You can find the original version of this Public Conversations Project blog piece by visiting www.publicconversations.org/blog/preparation-three-lessons-george-mitchell-northern-ireland.

How Can Deliberation in Citizens’ Juries Improve?

We wanted to share another great thought piece from Max Hardy of Max Hardy Consulting, an NCDD organizational member – this time on the ways Citizens’ Juries can be improved. Max’s reflections are based in the Australian context, but plenty of them can apply to these deliberative bodies elsewhere. We encourage you to read his piece below or find the original on his blog by clicking here.


Reflections on the growing trend of using Citizens’ Juries in Australia (and how we might make them even more effective)

IHardy logot seems that is becoming more common for governments at all levels to entertain random selection of citizens to enable an informed judgment on controversial or complex planning matters (one form being the Citizens’ Jury). As an advocate for, and facilitator of, such processes this is exciting and most welcome. There is a growing weariness with more conventional processes that are dominated by well organised stakeholder groups and ‘hyper-engaged’ individuals; processes which largely fail to engage the so-called silent majority. The NewDemocracy Foundation has been pivotal in promoting and arguing for alternatives and is getting serious traction.

Several years ago I met an academic David Kahane, from University of Alberta, Canada at a conference in Sydney, where we discussed the merits of these emerging deliberative processes, and we thought that a paper could be written describing the rationale for the differing approaches and their advantages and disadvantages. We were soon joined by Jade Herriman, of the Institute of Sustainable Futures in Sydney, Australia, and Kristjana Loptson, also from the University of Alberta. And after several months of research, and another few months of writing, we published our paper, titled Stakeholder and Citizen Roles in Public Deliberation, in the Journal of Public Deliberation.

Since co-authoring this paper I have been involved in several more deliberative processes (for ease I will just refer to them from here on as Citizens’ Juries, though other forms exist such as the Citizens’ Assembly and Citizens’ Initiative Review) and I have been reflecting on the paper we published once again, and felt the need to document some ideas to address some of their perceived or actual limitations. So here goes.

Limitation 1 – Breadth of participation
Citizens’ Juries are recruited through random selection are really effective for allowing a group to deeply dive into a complex issue/topic. Sadly the rest of the community is, at best, observers of the process. The journey the jury experiences is difficult to replicate, so the findings they ultimately reach may not be seen as legitimate by the broader community.

Ideas to improve
A longer engagement process can be used to help inform the deliberative process – for instance, through the use of online engagement. This process could also help to identify other experts who could provide a balanced range of evidence to the jury.

Another idea is to provide the same questions being put to the jury for citizens to arrange their own meetings (BBQs and dinner parties), or to discuss in other established forums or community group meetings (this was an approach used with great success for The Queensland Plan). Responses can be logged online and fed into the citizens’ jury deliberative process.

Live streaming could also be used to invite viewers to frame questions or provide comments in real time. A theme team could cluster the questions and comments and provide them at a particular time to the jury to consider.

Limitation 2 – Stakeholders/experts feeling marginalised
Whilst the jury has an amazing learning experience, stakeholders and experts who give evidence generally provide their evidence, and then leave. Jurors and facilitators often feel that it would have been helpful for stakeholders to hear each other’s evidence, and have the opportunity to learn from each other.

Ideas to improve
Arrange panel sessions where witnesses with different perspectives can share information, and have a conversation with each other, with the jury present to observe. In addition, the jury could access expert witnesses via video conference as they approach their final deliberations with remaining questions. Although by itself this would not assist witnesses/stakeholders to go on the learning journey, it would at least give some clues as to the journey the jury has been on.

A second idea is to include stakeholders/experts/witnesses as a resource group for jurors during their final deliberations.

Yet another idea, and this will be somewhat controversial, is that stakeholders could be included on the jury, but make up no more than one third of the total jurors. (I have been involved in arrangements such as these whereby one third are randomly selected, one third are self selected from those who typically get involved, and one third are invited in to strengthen diversity – e.g., you may not recruit anyone from an indigenous group, or a young person, from the first two cohorts). The principle here is about gaining a reasonable diversity, not about perfection, and the benefit this may have is that groups with very different views may become more understanding of each other’s interests and aspirations.

Limitation 3 – Limited role in framing the ‘charge ‘, or questions to be answered
In most cases the commissioning body, process experts, or a steering committee (or any combination of the above) design the key aspects of the deliberative process. Decisions are made concerning the ‘charge’ or questions being put the jury, the duration of the process, the desired composition of the jury, and the witnesses to be called. For some individuals and groups, this is a reason to be skeptical about the deliberative process and any outcomes from such processes. In particular, if stakeholders do not believe the right question is being put, then the outcome of the process, the jury’s ‘verdict,’ can be irrelevant. When the ‘deliberative design formula’ is seen to be managed tightly by ‘others,’ it can give fuel for mistrust.

When stakeholders have some influence over the process, in my experience, they are generally more accepting or even actively supportive of the outcomes.

Ideas to improve
Consistent with the Twyfords Collaborative Pathway, engaging a cross section of stakeholders in framing the dilemma or charge to be put to the jury can be very useful. It helps to generate questions that are seen as being the important ones to address, and invariably it helps to lay out the extent of the dilemma being faced.

Conclusion and suggested principles
So that is just a few ways that deliberative processes might be strengthened. From my perspective, it is important that we continue to conduct experiments in democracy and to learn from those experiments. The important thing, from my perspective, is not that we apply a proven design, but that we continue to invest in the co-design of the process so that there is a confidence in that process and the outcomes. It is also an opportunity for groups with different values and interests to understand and respect each other more, so that the process itself contributes to a more cohesive community.

It is also important that whatever design we use follows a set of core principles. This would be my list:

  1. The ultimate decision-makers are genuine in wanting the help of citizens and stakeholders/experts to resolve an important issue/ dilemma/ question/ puzzle.
  2. The decision-makers enter the process with the intent of using that advice, to take it very seriously, and to respond publicly if they do not follow the advice given (i.e., the verdict).
  3. Reasonable efforts are made to advise the broader community about the rationale of the process, and there is an attempt to gauge their views, concerns, and aspirations prior to the deliberative process.
  4. The participants of the deliberative process (let’s say, the jurors) have access to a balanced range of information and are not steered toward a particular desired outcome of the commissioning body or the facilitators.
  5. Jurors should be recruited through an independent social research company and independently facilitated.
  6. The jurors have the ability to scrutinize those giving evidence.
  7. The jurors are given reasonable periods of time to process information and then to deliberative over that information.
  8. Jurors must feel confident that they are all actively participating and are not being overwhelmed by powerful personalities.
  9. The commissioning body and stakeholders must be confident that the questions to be posed to the jury are appropriate.
  10. The deliberative process itself should be transparent and recorded.
  11. The deliberative process is designed in such a way that it strengthens a ‘community of interest’ rather than fragmenting it further.

There are probably others, and I’m sure these could be developed further. If you have had experience in deliberative processes that rely on random selection I’d be very keen to hear your thoughts, and your feedback on mine.

You can find the original version of Max’s piece on his blog by visiting www.maxhardy.com.au/reflections-on-the-growing-trend-of-using-citizens-juries-in-australia-and-how-we-might-make-them-even-more-effective.

NCDD Discount on Strategic Collaborations Training in April

We recently saw the announcement below from NCDD supporting member Christine Whitney Sanchez of Innovation Partners International about a great training this April 13-16 in Phoenix, AZ that we wanted to share. The early bird deadline is March 15, and Christine is offering a 20% discount for NCDD members who contact her at christine[at]innovationpartners[dot]com, so be sure to read her announcement below or learn more here.


Methods for Strategic Collaboration Foundations Training

InnovationAre you interested in learning how to engage groups of 5 to 10,000 in strategic conversations? Are you an external or internal consultant, responsible for business development, network coordination, facilitating civil dialogue or the engagement of people in change projects?

Join your peers who are making an impact in their own communities. Develop the foundational skills to blend and scale five powerful methods that are being used around the world for breakthrough thinking, decision-making and collaborative action.

For over 12 years, Methods for Strategic Collaboration participants in California, France, Illinois, Singapore, Colorado, Guadalajara, Arizona, and Wales have increased their capacity as change leaders in their own communities.

I hope you will join us – it’s always full of lively conversations and results in fascinating strategic collaborations.

Job Opening with Healthy Democracy

We are pleased to announce that the good people with Healthy Democracy, one of our NCDD member organizations, recently announced that they are hiring for a new Program Manager. I have to admit, I’ll be a little jealous of whoever gets this position, which will include opportunities to travel the country promoting the Citizens’ Initiative Review, building partnerships, institutionalizing deliberation into American democracy!

It’s a great job opportunity that many of our NCDD members would be an excellent fit for, but the deadline to apply is March 31st, so make sure to apply as soon as you can!

Here’s how Healthy Democracy describes the position:

Job Description: The Program Manager will work with partners in multiple states to build coalitions and expand the use of the Citizens’ Initiative Review. Each CIR brings together 20 citizens from around the state for a four-day public review of a ballot measure, requiring strong team building and project management skills.

The Program Manager will run CIR events and conduct trainings, and provide support to partner organizations in other states as they run their own CIRs. In this role, the Program Manager will provide program delivery and consultation services to key partners and clients and serve as a key spokesperson for the organization.

If this sounds like a job you or someone in your network would be a good fit for, we encourage you to read the full description on Healthy Democracy’s website by visiting www.healthydemocracy.org/healthy-democracy-is-hiring-a-program-manager.

Good luck to all the applicants!

League of Extraordinary Trainers Releases 2015 Schedule

We are pleased to let you know that The League of Extraodinatory Trainers – an NCDD organizational member and one of the great partners who helped us put on NCDD 2014 conference – recently released their 2015 training schedule. LET offers excellent trainings that can help strengthen your public engagement practice, so we encourage you to check out the announcement below and register before the early bird deadlines!

And don’t forget: dues-paying NCDD members receive a 10% discount on all LET trainings, and a 20% discount if you register by the early bird date! Not up to date on your dues? Renew your membership today!


LeagueOfExtraordinaryTrainers-logoThe landscape of public participation and community engagement is changing. Rapid developments in technology, the rampant economic and political changes across the globe, widespread use of social media, and a decline in public trust have created new challenges for governments, organizations and institutions. Add to that the growing desire of citizens to participate in building the democratic architecture of their countries and communities, and it is obvious that a proven framework for public participation has never been more essential!

Public anger is an increasing fact of society. Growing global citizen outrage causes government gridlock, lawsuits, stopped projects, election losses, loss of time, money, and destroyed credibility.

IAP2 Foundations Program
(a revamped IAP2 Certificate Program – new July 1, 2014)

Foundations in Public Participation was designed with the input of successful practitioners who work with diverse populations and divergent circumstances throughout the world. This course will let you hit the ground running, armed with the knowledge and confidence you need to plan and execute effective initiatives for any area in which you may be working.

2015 Training Events:

Emotion, Outrage and Public Participation EOP2

This practical, hands-on workshop is a fresh mix of lecture, video, small and large group discussion and authentic, real world exercises that give you the answers, tools and ability to prevent problems, manage the tough public issues that you face and keep your organization on track and moving forward.

2015 Training Events:

We thank the League of Extraordinary Trainers for their continued support of NCDD and encourage you to find their complete training schedule by visiting www.extraordinarytrainers.com/schedules.

Register for Public Lands Seminar in Yellowstone

We want to make sure that our higher ed NCDDers know that there are a few more spaces left for a great program on dealing with public issues being held in beautiful Yellowstone National Park this July 27 – August 1. The program is hosted for higher ed professionals by the AASCU. We’ve shared the NIFI announcement about the program below, and you can learn more from the program page here.


Public Lands Seminar Program PageHow does a democracy manage competing but often equally legitimate positions over public resources? How are the rights of all citizens protected in conflicts over public lands? How do universities design courses and programs to help undergraduates develop the understandings and skills necessary to think about, and become engaged in conflict management and resolution? How do we help undergraduates become more thoughtful, more engaged citizens for our democracy?

The American Democracy Project (ADP) is creating new strategies to answer that question. For the past ten summers, faculty and administrators from American Association of State Colleges and Universities (AASCU) campuses have spent a week studying political disputes in the iconic first national park in the world, Yellowstone National Park. The first year, 2005, we studied wolf re-introduction. Twenty-six (26) faculty members from 19 campuses spent a week in the Park, first studying the biology and the politics of wolf re-introduction.

But the most innovative part of the program is when we traveled outside the Park to talk to citizens and activists on both sides of the issue, to understand the controversy from their point of view. At the end of the week-long program, we considered ways that faculty might develop programs on their own campus that focused on (1) national public resource issues such as wolf re-introduction and (2) local public resource issues such as oil drilling on national seashores, wind turbines in state parks, and restoration efforts in wetlands.

For the last ten summers, we expanded the focus of the program to examine a variety of conflicts in the entire Yellowstone region, including bison and brucellosis, winter use, wolves, and grizzly bears. Our program is entitled Politics and the Yellowstone Ecosystem. In this program, we spend six (6) days in Yellowstone National Park in a combination of activities, beginning with a study of the science and history of the controversies, listening to scientists and Park rangers. Then we interview local citizens on both sides of the issues, including political activists, business people, ranchers, and other citizens.

The goal of this project is to develop new strategies and new approaches that colleges and universities can use to help undergraduates become thoughtful, informed, and engaged citizens. In a world too often filled with bitter partisan politics, this non-partisan project seeks to move beyond rhetoric and confrontation, providing students with new models that promote understanding and resolution. In a political environment where special interest groups tend to push people to polarized positions, we often try to seek common ground.

The program, held at Mammoth Hot Spring Hotel at the northern end of the Park, begins late afternoon on Monday, July 27th and ends at noon on Saturday, August 1st. The cost of the program is $1,395, which includes five (5) nights individual room lodging at Mammoth Hotel (each participant will have a separate hotel room or cabin); all instruction and instructional materials, AV rental, classroom rental; in-park transportation; and reception and dinner the first night, as well as several other meals. Space does not allow for guest participation in the full program. However, family members or guests may attend some classroom lectures, a few field trips, and evening films and presentations.

For more information on this program please contact:

George Mehaffy 202.478.4672  mehaffyg[at]aascu[dot]org

Jennifer Domagal-Goldman 202.478.7833  domagalj[at]aascu[dot]org

You can find the NIFI announcement on this seminar by visiting www.nifi.org/en/groups/registration-open-politics-and-yellowstone-ecosystem-july-2015-seminar-yellowstone-national. You can find the AASCU seminar’s page at www.aascu.org/programs/adp/SPL.