Labor and work

There are many different types of work. Colloquially, we often refer to these as blue collar white collar, or perhaps invoke terms like skilled labor or manual labor.

But there are subtler differences, even within the broad categories above.

At the moment, I’m thinking of this in terms of the subtle distinction between labor and work.

The Oxford English Dictionary defines work as: Something that is or was done; what a person does or did; an act, deed, proceeding, business. Labor, on the other hand, is An instance of physical or mental exertion; a piece of work that has been or is to be performed; a task.

The two words are definitely connected, yet importantly different. Work is a general term for accomplishing something, whereas labor seems more specific. Labor might be menial or it might be especially difficult – an exertion. Or it might be both.

Labor is where I find myself at home.

In the white collar world I seem to have found myself in, I imagine labor as that state where you can work hard at all hours of the morning or night. Where you can caffeinate yourself to the point of being a somnambulant zombie – capable of executing tasks successfully while in a state of virtual unconsciousness.

It is adding value by working hard. It is checking things off the list and moving things forward. It is working past your physical and mental capacity and yet still getting still getting it done.

A teacher of mine use to quip never let thinking get in the way of thought.

And I’ve started to feel this way about what I’ve come to think of as labor. You can get a lot done in such a state, but, being somewhat absent from the actual happenings, there’s something valuable missing there as well.

It seems our national norms are leaning towards labor. Towards burning the candle at both ends and pushing yourself to just below – or possibly past – the point of burnout.

But going this route devalues the importance of work. It implies that all you really need is a pulse and, perhaps, an opposable thumb.

Labor is good, and labor is necessary, but work is more a vocation – requiring hands and brains, manual effort and thought. It requires being present. It is an experience. It is an art.

It’s still work, no doubt. Not always pleasant and not always fun. But valuable and meaningful nonetheless.

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Ecuador’s Pathbreaking Plan for Commons-Based Peer Production: An Update

The nine-month effort in Ecuador to develop a new vision and policy architecture for commons-based peer production is coming into much sharper focus.  To refresh your memory on this project, the Government of Ecuador last year commissioned the FLOK Society (FLOK = “Free, libre, open knowledge”) to come up with a thoughtful plan for enabling every sector of Ecuador to be organized into open knowledge commons, to the maximum degree possible.  The project has now released a transition plan accompanied by more than a dozen policy frameworks for specific social and economic domains.

The main document can be read here – and here is a version that anyone can comment upon.  Here is series of specific sectoral policy proposals.  

What makes the FLOK Society report so significant is its informed analysis of global trends in the production of knowledge and culture -- and its bold attempt to reformulate state policies to assure maximum social benefits flow from them. The “advanced” industrial economies continue to cling to archaic intellectual property regimes that ignore network dynamics and prey upon the value created by nonmarket communities.  But Ecuador’s path-breaking project seeks to go beyond neoliberal economics and policy. Many of us are excited because the FLOK Society report is a comprehensive, sophisticated and integrated synthesis for moving to the next stage of commoning and peer production on open networks.

A guiding idea in this effort is Buen Vivir (Sumak Kawsay) or “good living,” an indigenous peoples’ concept that refers to a life that balances material, social and spiritual needs and satisfactions (i.e., getting beyond compulsive material growth and consumerism).  FLOK Society researchers realize that Buen Vivir is impossible without Buen Conocer (Sumak Yachay), which is the idea of “good knowledge.”  Ecuadorian President Correa himself has urged young people to achieve and fight for this open knowledge societ

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New Gettysburg Project Seeks to Bridge Research & Practice

We wanted to share the post below from the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation’s Challenges to Democracy blog highlighting an interesting new initiative to watch called the Gettysburg Project. Led in part by NCDD supporting member Dr. Archon Fung, the initiative explores the decline of public engagement and ways that we might improve the scope, diversity, and impact of organizing and mobilization of the public. You can read Xolani Zitha’s piece on the project below or find the original piece here


Ash logoHarvard Kennedy School faculty Archon Fung and Marshall Ganz have shared so many conversations over the years on the problems of American democracy, and specifically on failed efforts to improve the state of public engagement, that they decided together to do something about it.

Some months later, Fung and Ganz — along with co-organizers Anna Burger, Hahrie Hahn, and several others — have launched a unique initiative named The Gettysburg Project. The effort aims to both influence, and to pull inspiration from, the world of research and the world of practice. It will bring together scholars and practitioners with a wide range of interests to develop new understandings of consequential civic engagement in the United States.

At a meeting hosted by the Hauser Institute for Non Profit Organizations in April 2013, Professors Fung and Ganz first shared The Gettysburg Project with students. Below is a recap of that discussion, which progressed from the project’s background through its theoretical framework to its core activities.

Identifying and Acting Upon a Common Purpose

Professor Fung began the conversation explaining that the essence of The Gettysburg Project is a celebration of the 150th anniversary of President Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, in particular the last line of the address—“government of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the face of this earth.”

And the Project’s first proposition is that democracy in the United States is in grave danger. Professor Ganz characterized the most salient challenge to democracy in the United States as the lack of opportunity for ‘equality of voice.’ This political inequality manifests itself in many ways, not the least of which is unequal voting participation. Ganz observed that this idea of equality of voice has been articulated by many, including Harvard political scientist Sydney Verba, who noted that liberal democracy is based on the deal that unequal economic resources be balanced by equality of individual political voice and participation.

Watch a presentation on The Gettysburg Project by Marshall Ganz and Archon Fung, hosted by the Hauser Institute.

Yet when we think of the common purposes articulated in the US Constitution, i.e. “forming a more perfect union,” what often comes to mind are establishing justice, ensuring domestic tranquility, and providing for the common defense. Thus Ganz posed the question, how does equality of voice translate into the capacity to achieve the primary functions of democratic government as spelled out in the Constitution?

Ganz went on to say that Alexis de Tocqueville observed that the knowledge of ‘how to combine’ trumps all other forms of knowledge. In his observations on the emerging democracy of the United States, de Tocqueville was concerned with the problem of radical individualism. He saw a solution in multiple stripes of civic associations, the point of which was not about having many competing groups but rather many ways in which individuals could come into relation with other individuals. Through the process of coming together, individuals learn to move beyond their narrow self interest. They move toward an enlightened self interest and a broader understanding of common interests and common purpose.

In addition to a critical role in articulating a common purpose, and thus making real the aspirations articulated in the Constitution, at the same time civic associations also develop our capacity to act on behalf of those interests. Through civic associations, or what de Tocqueville described as combination or coming together, equality of voice can translate into the power or the capacity to achieve common purpose.

Yet according to Ganz the mechanisms through which people come together and discern common purpose, then translate that purpose into collective action in the public domain, are dysfunctional and not working. Civic associations have become seriously crippled.

The Unresponsiveness of Public Institutions

Ganz argued that our public institutions are meanwhile too often opposed to preferences expressed by the public. For example, when Congress will not vote for issues that have overwhelming public support such as background checks for firearms licensing. Similarly, the debate over the cause of radical and growing inequality of wealth asks whether inequality is a manifestation of specific policy choices or the failure of public institutions.

This lack of responsiveness is a symptom of a deeper problem that economist Albert Hirschman has written about. Any political system will ultimately run down, and the challenge becomes correcting the deterioration. Hirschman found that voice mechanisms are one solution, in which those affected by the dysfunction of the system express their dissatisfaction in ways that will result in the system correcting itself. Through the process of competitive elections and public deliberation, democracy becomes a self-correcting mechanism through which ‘voice’ can work.

Archon Fung referred to Martin Gilens’ compelling research on the plutocratic nature of democratic government at present. On issues in which there are class differences in preferences, policymakers are responsive only to the top 10% of the population

If voice turns out not to work, then the alternative for citizens is to exit the system. Where there are competing institutions, individuals can choose to leave. There is a “tipping point” when everyone deserts an institution if no corrective action is taken. In the context of entrepreneurial capitalism in which firms compete, and the most efficient succeed, exit is an available strategy.

But in democracy, is exit an option? The Gettysburg Project is premised on a belief that it is an option with the ‘knowledge of how to combine.’ But a second premise is that the mechanisms for inputting an effective voice and something meaningful coming out the other end of the policy process are broken. Further, there are two strategies to exit in a political system. First, people can stop voting when they realize that voting does not make a difference. In only six states did it make a difference whether or not you voted in the 2012 presidential election.

The other exit is to seek private solutions for public problems such as contracting with private sector firms or non-profits. The result of this is that it weakens our capacity for public action, resting on the belief that privatization brings market mechanisms to solve public problems. There is some evidence to the contrary.

Building Organizational Capacity to Return to Equality of Voice

The focus of The Gettysburg Project is how to bring ‘voice’ back into the system in a meaningful way. But is the problem with individuals? Some would say that people don’t have enough civic virtue and are discouraged from participation, so they resort to an individualistic political culture. Or is the problem is with institutions? The electoral system itself is biased, while the role of money in politics makes the system dysfunctional.

There are a lot of people working on issues at the individual level covering civic education and culture, focusing on getting individuals to exercise more voice. There is a lot of other work on the structural side focusing on campaign finance reform, better voting machines, or getting rid of the Electoral College. In between the individual and the institution is the organizational level, at which people come together to exercise collective action in the de Tocqueville sense.

The Gettysburg Project assumes that none of these things will happen unless associations get together, especially the kinds of organizations that engage and mobilize broad sections of the American population in public life. In the 19th and 20th centuries, the organizations that did the job of integrating people are not able to anymore because the approaches that worked then are not working any more. Identifying the new structures that will replace labor unions and congregations will represent a solid step forward for American democracy.

Fung observed that The Gettysburg Project will also seek to build the capacity and strength of existing organizations that engage and mobilize people in public life. The Project will explore how much of the challenge has to do with internal organizational functioning, with how much organizations do or do not cooperate with each other, with the ways in which organizations try to influence public policy or electoral politics, and even with the effect of the Internet. There is an internal, horizontal, and external dimension to understanding the challenges of voice and public participation.

The Project’s intention is to bring together a group of 20-30 leaders of organizations with a successful track record in mobilizing people and activity. Individual participants are senior enough to have the capacity to change, the willingness and curiosity to figure things out, and many more years still left in their careers. They represent a variety of settings and contexts, allowing for a rich understanding of the nature of this problem from an organizational point of view.

An early meeting at the Roosevelt Institute in Hyde Park, New York brought together leaders from labor unions, community organizations, Dreamers, and others to test the idea. Surprisingly all organizations felt that they were in some way stuck in a rut in this area. And these leaders did not know about each other, even though they worked in the same field. Professors Ganz and Fung next hosted the first formal convening of The Gettysburg Project in March 2014. Check back on the blog for future updates on the key themes and discussion points that come up throughout the project.

You can find the original version of this post at www.challengestodemocracy.us/home/frontiers-of-democracy-research-the-gettysburg-project/#sthash.5fPnS9dZ.dpuf.

seeking a post-doc at CIRCLE

The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE) at Tufts University seeks a Postdoctoral Fellow in the area of American higher education and college student political learning and engagement. The Postdoctoral Fellow will lead quantitative research on a range of higher education initiatives, specifically the National Study on Learning, Voting, and Engagement (NSLVE). This researcher may also provide support for qualitative research, survey development, secondary data-analysis, literature reviews, and program evaluations. S/he will also be responsible for managing and integrating large datasets and using appropriate methods for processing, storing, aggregating, and replicating analysis. Over the duration of the post-doc, NSLVE will increase the automation of data processing and the production of reports. The Postdoctoral Fellow will play an integral role in this transition.

Required:

  • Ph.D. earned May 2013 through August 2014 or ABD (all but dissertation) with anticipated graduation by June 2015, in public policy, political science, higher education, or other social science discipline
  • Strong quantitative background and experience with multivariate statistical techniques
  • Knowledge of at least one statistical package, such as SPSS, STATA, or SAS, and a willingness to work primarily with SPSS
  • Experience using large datasets
  • Proficiency with data management, including an ability to work with relational database software such as Access and Oracle
  • Data workflow management experience
  • Technological experience and adaptability, with excellent computer skills, knowledge of databases, client management and Microsoft Office, as well as an ability and desire to learn more
  • Demonstrated interest in college student civic learning and engagement and/or public participation and civic renewal more broadly

Preferred:

  • Experience with voting data
  • Experience with Catalist database
  • Experience with evaluation methods
  • Experience with qualitative methods
  • Experience with Salesforce
  • Prior record of publications

Duration: August 1, 2014 through July 31, 2015. This is a grant-funded position for one year with a possibility of continuation.

To apply, please submit a CV, a cover letter describing your research interests or plans, a sample publication, and contact information for three references. Send application materials to Kathy O’Connor at kathy.oconnor@tufts.edu. Screening of applicants begins May 15, 2014 and continues until the position is filled.

The post seeking a post-doc at CIRCLE appeared first on Peter Levine.

Who goes on a syllabus?

In a training several months ago, I was asked to determine whether the following scenario was a microaggression: a non-white student asks his white history professor why all the authors on the syllabus are white.

Unfortunately, before our fictional faculty member can respond, some other (white) student takes the opportunity to open his mouth and say something stupid – a comment which, yes, I did interpret to be a microaggression. Or possibly just an aggression.

But that little incident aside, what I really wanted to know was how the faculty member would respond. Of course, he (yes, it was all men in this scenario) could have said something equally ridiculous, making it easy for me to check my little microaggression box and move on with my day.

But since this is my scenario now, let’s imagine the professor said something more interesting and perhaps even reasonable:

“History,” as it’s collectively understood, is the story of white men. “His( s)tory” as one of my elementary school teachers annually exclaimed when explaining the need for women’s history month.

Of course, women and minorities have played critical roles in shaping the standardized version of history, and they do, of course, have rich histories in their own right. It is unfortunate that society has regulated these stories to second-tier status or worse, but the reality is that a scholar of history must study “history” as it’s collectively understood – biased though it may be toward the narratives of white, straight, property-owning men.

Of course, a true scholar of history should also study the stories of those who’ve been pushed to the margins of our awareness, but as a general baseline – any historian should be able to articulate the (white, male) history that exists as part of our shared culture.

So, taking that as the professor’s response, let’s also do away with the question of microaggressions and ask more generally – is there a problem with that syllabus? If it were your history course, would your syllabus look different?

There’s something unsatisfactory – and insufficient – in playing this as a numbers game. As if designating one whole month for “black history,” “women’s history,” or “Asian Pacific American Heritage,” is sufficient to balance the scales.

In a world of so many diverse voices, where so many people have been silenced, there’s no formula for creating a perfectly inclusive syllabus.

Not to mention that simply having a token voice as a nod to diversity doesn’t seem a particularly successful strategy, either.

And yet, there’s something challenging in diversifying a syllabus through content choices as well.

Consider this recent piece from the Atlantic, which seeks to dispute good ol’ Charles Murray’s claim that “no woman has been a significant original thinker in any of the world’s great philosophical traditions,” because, he says, women are not good at abstract thought.

Okay, so, that sounds like something worth arguing over. Yet, in a somewhat disappointing show, the article seems to use “female” and “feminist” interchangeably – essentially, from my read, arguing that women add value by thinking explicitly about the role of women.

Of course, thinking about the role of women is important, but I dare say that women have more to say about the world then their own place within it.Questions of what – or who – go on a syllabus are important ones, but these questions are also a symptom of our greater social challenges.I’m not sure what to tell our wayward history professor. Ideally, we’d learn about history from the people themselves. From the first person accounts of the Chinese and Irish immigrants who built the transcontinental railroad, from the African American slaves who picked our cotton and worked our fields. From the individual stories of all types of people from all types of backgrounds.But such an integrated history doesn’t exist. We’re not even used to thinking in such an integrated way. If we were, we wouldn’t need to inject the “black perspective” or the “female perspective.” Those perspectives would just be there naturally. Part of the diverse fabric that makes up our true, rich history.

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PBP Recognized with Brown Democracy Medal

We are proud to announce that our friends at the Participatory Budgeting Project – an NCDD organizational member – are the first-ever winners of Penn State’s new Brown Democracy Medal! Please join us in sending a huge congratulations to PBP for this well-deserved award. You can read more below, find Penn State’s original announcement here, or see PBP’s press release here.

PBP-logoA national organization that empowers citizens to exert greater control over public spending was selected as the first recipient of the Brown Democracy Medal, an award that will be presented annually by the McCourtney Institute for Democracy in Penn State’s College of the Liberal Arts.

The Brown Democracy Medal was endowed in 2013 by Penn State alumni Larry Brown (Class of 1971, history) and Lynne Brown (Class of 1972, education). The medal spotlights the best work being done to advance democracy in the United States and internationally. Under the award program, the McCourtney Institute for Democracy will recognize practical innovations, such as new institutions, laws, technologies or movements that advance the cause of democracy. In addition, future awards will highlight contributions in democratic theory that enrich philosophical conceptions of democracy and empirical work that promises to improve the functioning of democracies. Along with the medal, recipients will receive $5,000, give a public talk at Penn State, and have an essay published by a prestigious university press.

The inaugural medal winner, the Participatory Budgeting Project (PBP), is a nonprofit organization that promotes “participatory budgeting,” an inclusive process that empowers community members to make informed decisions about public spending. More than 46,000 people in communities across the United States have decided how to spend $45 million through programs that PBP helped spark over the last five years.

Participatory budgeting invites citizens to collectively determine how millions of their tax dollars are spent. Josh Lerner, executive director of PBP, said that participatory budgeting “offers a fundamentally different way to engage with government, and meaningfully engages people in the budget decisions that affect them.”

John Gastil, director of the McCourtney Institute for Democracy, noted that “The Participatory Budgeting Project exemplifies the essential features the award committee was looking for in its inaugural recipient. Political and economic inequality is part of the American national discussion, and participatory budgeting helps empower marginalized groups that do not normally take part in a process that is so critical for democratic life.”

Lerner said, “We are deeply honored to receive the Brown Democracy Medal, in recognition of our work to give thousands of people real power over real money. In just a few years, we have shown how a small nonprofit organization can bring together hundreds of partners to build a new model for local democracy.”

He will accept the medal on behalf of the PBP on Oct. 24 at a ceremony held at Penn State’s University Park campus. More information is at www.participatorybudgeting.org.

The Brown Democracy Medal review committee considered dozens of applications from across the globe, including creative policy innovations in Australia and Iceland. The committee evaluated submissions based on the criteria of the innovation’s novelty, its effectiveness and potential for diffusion across different societies and cultures, its nonpartisan orientation and the recency of the democratic innovation.

The McCourtney Institute for Democracy at Penn State promotes rigorous scholarship and practical innovations to advance the democratic process in the United States and abroad. The institute examines the interplay of deliberative, electoral and institutional dynamics. It recognizes that effective deliberation among citizens has the potential to reshape both the character of public opinion and the dynamics of electoral politics, particularly in state and local communities. Likewise, political agendas and institutional processes can shape the ways people frame and discuss issues. The institute pursues this mission, in part, through supporting the work of its partner units, the Center for Democratic Deliberation (CDD) and the Center for American Political Responsiveness (CAPR).

The original version of this announcement can be found on Penn State’s website at http://news.psu.edu/story/312850/2014/04/23/impact/participatory-budgeting-project-selected-brown-democracy-medal.

become a professor, see the world

They say that academia is an ivory tower, sheltered from the tumult of human experience. But I’m fortunate, thanks to my job, to meet a very wide range of people in highly diverse settings. In fact, I don’t think many people in other walks of life are as fortunate in that respect. Within the past month, in the line of duty (so to speak), I have

  • Heard a “legalese-hatin’, cowboy-boot-wearin’, unafraid-to-admihuit-it liberal judge who rules from the [Arkansas federal] bench in a rocking chair” tell hootin’-and-hollerin’ jokes at the expense of his own profession.
  • Done a windshield tour of the poorest neighborhood in Champaign (IL), where the small decaying frame houses are scattered on the edge of the prairie.
  • Sat in the hushed office of the president of Duke, amid rubber trees, leaded Gothic windows, and framed honors, discussing the place of the humanities in public life.
  • Visited a game-design studio in Madison, WI, where hip young coders sit on stools of different heights and take breaks playing with Nerf balls and huge inflatable bowling pins.
  • Lectured in the Grecian rotunda of Mr. Jefferson’s University, a World Heritage Site.
  • And heard up-and-coming country singers in a bona fide Nashville honky-tonk on a Friday night.

We may be on the verge of wrecking it–and we certainly need better institutions to govern it–but it’s still a great country and a privilege to be able to see so many facets of it.

(On to DC this evening.)

The post become a professor, see the world appeared first on Peter Levine.

Community Branding Call with CM this Thursday

CM_logo-200pxWe are pleased to announce the next capacity-building conference call from our organizational partners at CommunityMatters, which is coming up this Thursday, May 8th from 4-5pm EST.

CM is working with the Citizens’ Institute on Rural Design to host the call, entitled What’s in a Name? The Power of Community Branding. The call is described like this:

Your community isn’t Anywhere, USA. It has stories to tell – tales of historic moments, epic failures, innovative products, resilient businesses and colorful people. How can your community take its most distinct stories and turn them into a compelling and unified message?

Community branding brings local stories and sentiments to the surface, highlighting unique assets that make a place great.

On May 8, Ben Muldrow of Arnett Muldrow & Associates… will share his experience in working with small towns and rural places to create a strong brand that supports community and economic development outcomes.

Register today by clicking here. We hope to hear you on the call!

Before the call, we encourage you to check out the accompanying piece on the CM blog by Caitlyn Horose, which is cross posted below. You can find the original piece here.

What’s in a Name? The Power of Community Branding

The most compelling reminder that community branding matters is a simple question: Would you rather have a bachelor party in Las Vegas or Des Moines? No offense to Des Moines, but it shouldn’t come as a surprise that most people will pick Las Vegas. Des Moines just isn’t famous for its late night party scene – and it probably doesn’t want to be!

The strongest community brands create associations that seem painfully obvious. You say “Kentucky.” I say “Derby.” You say “Maine.” I say “lobster.” And, even if we’ve never been to Austin, it’s likely we both know that Austin is “weird.”

Place branding isn’t just about associations. The benefits of a positive and unified image impact many aspects of community. Here are a few examples of what branding can do:

Attract and retain strong talent. Glasgow, Scotland’s new brand - People Make Glasgow - acknowledges the skills and talent in the city, highlighting Glasgow as a place that’s great for business and tourists alike.

Shift negative perceptions. Newark, New Jersey was named the unfriendliest city by Conde Nast Traveler in 2013. Branding is aiding efforts to erase the negative and emphasize the positive, starting with the downtown Newark neighborhood of Washington Park. Strategies go beyond graphics and logos to include beautification of public spaces, cultural events in local parks, and food truck rallies.

Support economic recovery. When Oakridge, Oregon’s population dropped to 3,200 people, the community banded together for a branding project. Focusing on Oakridge’s natural resources and recreational opportunities, the town self-identified as “The Center of Oregon Recreation.” The brand promotes existing recreational offerings while providing focus to economic development tactics. Targeted support for outdoor-related businesses is now a top priority.

Stimulate demand. A small town in England is branding its local products and services. Shrewsbury’s “One-Off” campaign showcases the local handmade and artisanal culture. The campaign logo is intentionally flexible so that any business can adopt it.

Strengthen civic pride and a shared identity. Kentucky’s new brand – Kentucky Kicks Ass – was created with input from local residents. It seems the slogan is something every Kentuckian can get behind:

But what about those places where community identity hasn’t been crafted? How can small towns stop feeling invisible or change negative perceptions? What works in creating a well-loved community brand?

On May 8, Ben Muldrow, Partner with Arnett Muldrow & Associates will join CommunityMatters® and the Citizens’ Institute on Rural Design™ for an hour-long webinar on community branding. Ben will share his experience in working with small towns and rural places to create a strong brand that builds civic identity and supports community and economic development goals.

Register now.

The original version of this blog post is available at www.communitymatters.org/blog/what%E2%80%99s-name-power-community-branding.

Scholarship of Engagement Award Deadline Approaching

For our higher education-based members, we wanted to make sure you heard about the 2014 Ernest A. Lynton Award for the Scholarship of Engagement for Early Career Faculty. The award deadline is next Friday, May 16 at 5:00 PM Eastern Time, so don’t delay in sending in your nominations. You can read more about the Lynton Award below or find more info here.

Sponsored by the New England Resource Center for Higher Education (NERCHE) and the Center for Engaged Democracy (CED) at Merrimack College, the 2014 Ernest A. Lynton Award for the Scholarship of Engagement for Early Career Faculty recognizes a faculty member who connects his or her teaching, research, and service to community engagement.

The Lynton Award emphasizes engaged scholarly work across the faculty roles. The scholarship of engagement (also known as outreach scholarship, public scholarship, scholarship for the common good, community-based scholarship, and community engaged scholarship) represents an integrated view of the faculty role in which teaching, research, and service overlap and are mutually reinforcing, is characterized by scholarly work tied to a faculty member’s expertise, is of benefit to the external community, is visible and shared with community stakeholders, and reflects the mission of the institution. In addition, NERCHE conceptualizes scholarly engagement in terms of social justice embedded in democratic ideals.

Award eligibility: Full-time faculty who are pre-tenure at tenure-granting U.S. public and private not-for-profit colleges & universities, or early career (within first six years).

The scholarship of engagement represents an integrated view of the faculty role in which teaching, research, and service overlap and are mutually reinforcing, and:

  • is tied to a faculty member’s expertise,
  • of benefit to the external community,
  • visible and shared with community stakeholders,
  • effects the mission of the institution.

The award recipient will have several opportunities to disseminate his or her community-based work, including:

  • presenting at the 20th Annual Conference of the Coalition of Urban and Metropolitan Universities (CUMU), “Universities as Anchor Institutions: Driving Change” on October 5-7, 2014, at Syracuse University
  • presenting at the annual Lynton Colloquium on September 15, 2014 at UMASS Boston
  • publishing in the Metropolitan Universities Journal, and
  • participating in one or more webinars on community-based scholarly work

2014 Lynton Award Nominations

  • Nominations can be made by academic colleagues, administrators, students, and community partners. Each nominator should aim to present a comprehensive account of the nominee’s publicly engaged teaching, research, and service. To this end, the application provides for the inclusion of the names and affiliations of additional nominators. Further, endorsements from individuals familiar with one or more aspects of the nominee’s work can be included in the supporting documentation of the application.
  • In cases in which multiple individuals submit a single application for the nomination of a faculty member, one person should be designated as the primary nominator responsible for completing and submitting the application. Additional nominators can be noted in the appropriate section of the application.
  • More than one faculty member from a single college or university may be nominated. Please complete separate applications for each nominee.

Nominators will submit nominations via an online application. To submit an application, please see the Application Instructions.

Questions regarding this framework should be addressed to the Lynton Award Coordinator, Dr. Elaine Ward, at Merrimack College’s School of Education and Social Policy by email at lyntonaward@merrimack.edu (subject line: “Lynton Award Help”) or by phone at (978) 837-3572.

Learn more about the Lynton Award

What’s your damage?

I think we should bring back the expression what’s your damage? Although, really, did it ever go out of style?

Originally uttered in the 1988 classic Heathers, the question is more than your typical parabolic preppy-ism.

I’ve heard a few people use this expression recently. Real-life people, to be clear.

While urban dictionary considers the phrase akin to “what’s your problem?” I have to say, I prefer its 80s counterpart.

What’s your problem? puts the burden on the person with the so-called problem. Whatever the problem is, it is their problem and therefore on them to deal with it – though the rest of us may suffer as a result.

What’s your damage? seems somehow…more forgiving. Yes, there is a problem, but that problem isn’t mine to own or mine alone to solve. It’s a collective problem which I find particularly troubling because my damage has taught me to be troubled by it.

People tend to think in certain ways as a result of their experience. Our experience is the lens through which we interpret all we know.

What’s your damage? is like a jocular request for a sincere point of view, with a dark nod to the belief that we are all damaged in our own ways. And that damage shapes who we are.

So, really, now, what is your damage?

 

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