navigating the social sciences

Here is a tentative effort to map the social sciences for a novice, such as a student who’s thinking of taking some social science courses. (It is a counterpart to my recent post on the humanities.) I will risk over-generalizations to offer some pointers.

I would start with three familiar cases:

  1. Researchers want to understand and, if possible, predict a situation in which many individuals face a similar choice that is concrete and observable. For example, people can buy a specific good at a given price, apply for a job, pursue a particular kind of education, marry, or vote. Although individuals’ motives and beliefs vary, there is a typical reason that one would do each of these things (e.g., one buys a good to possess it) as well as costs, disadvantages, and competitors. Thus it should be possible to model the whole situation with an equation that shows the outcome on one side of the equal sign. To test the model, we want to collect as much data as possible, and the data tend to be concrete and unambiguous. It may not be necessary to work with samples if data can represent all the relevant behavior, as a price reflects all the recent purchases of a given good or an election tallies all the votes. Economics relies heavily (but not exclusively) or large-scale data that markets generate or that bureaucracies collect for planning purposes. The mathematics that’s most useful includes statistics (especially statistical tools for inferring causality) and calculus, which reveals maximum values subject to constraints.
  2. Researchers want to understand a mental characteristic that is not measurable with a single datapoint. For example, they want to understand anxiety, hand-eye coordination, prejudice, or knowledge of the American Civil War. They will probably study specific human subjects, rather than use data to describe populations, and they will devote attention and ingenuity to deriving measures of unobserved, latent, and/or unconscious characteristics. This is the point of a laboratory test of perception, a multi-item survey that measures an attitude, an in-depth interview, or an exam, which might include graded essay questions along with multiple-choice items. Again, statistics is a useful tool, but now often the main statistical question is whether an individual differs from the mean of a relatively small sample that shows a lot of variation. Qualitative research becomes more prominent. And a different kind of math emerges as useful: factor analysis and related methods that turn many datapoints into scales.
  3. Researchers want to interpret a whole human situation: a cockfight in Bali, adolescence in Samoa, a ceremonial feast in the Pacific Northwest, or indeed, a US high school or a physics lab or a Manhattan apartment building with a doorman. The key questions are what happens and what that means. Often the important happenings (cockfights, gifts, rites of passage, holiday tips) recur regularly and may not seem optional or determined by the individuals’ characteristics, such as their personal desires. Quantitative data become less relevant. Instead, the researcher’s main method is to spend a considerable amount of time in the community, observing intensively and listening to many informants.

The bastions of these approaches are, respectively, economics, psychology, and anthropology. Each discipline arose to study a restricted range of topics and then expanded by applying its favored methods to other topics.

Economists began with markets but have studied topics like voting since at least 1942 (Schumpeter) and probably earlier. Some of the pioneering anthropologists sought to understand what they then called “Man” by conducting ethnographies of people who were presumed to live as early humans had lived. Several assumptions of that approach are now rejected, and ethnography is now applied to all kinds of communities. And psychology emerged from early studies of perception and cognition by people like Wilhelm Wundt (1832-1920) and William James (1842-1910) plus efforts to define and treat mental illnesses by doctors like Sigmund Freud (1856-1939). The discipline now extends to all areas of human and animal life.

As a first approximation, I would say that sociology and political science are not defined by their favored methods; they are methodologically pluralistic. Instead, they are defined by their topics: respectively, society and politics. That said, both make more use of representative surveys of populations than other disciplines do. (Economists would rather work with revealed preferences, and psychologists often intensively study smaller samples.)

Also, economics and psychology are often (not always) methodologically individualist, meaning that they seek to analyze group phenomena as aggregates of individuals’ behavior. But sociology has contributed powerful models and methods that treat other things–such as classes or institutions–as the causes of outcomes. Similarly, political science contributes a focus on power, which can be missing in models that presume that people have psychological traits and choose accordingly.

Unfortunately, I do not read much research in geography, but its unique contribution is spatial analysis. A characteristic tool of geographers is a map. Public health employs many of the methods favored in the other social sciences (including maps), but it addresses diseases and syndromes that affect human beings. “Epidemiology” is derived from the Greek words for “upon the people.” Focusing on non-human factors that are “upon us” requires studying phenomena like contagion and mutation that apply to bacteria and viruses in relation to people.

Disciplines like public policy, communications, and education are methodologically pluralistic and defined by their topics. In fact, some professors of these disciplines hold PhDs in the liberal arts and apply methods that they learned there. However, experts in these fields might rightly emphasize their distinctive approaches to research. For instance, public policy research has a distinctive emphasis on feedback loops (how policies affect society, which then affects policy). And education thinks developmentally.

Finally, history is often classified among both the humanities and the social sciences. A cultural historian who seeks to enrich our perception of human artifacts is very much a humanist. Likewise, a narrative historian who weaves events and intentional action into a nonfiction narrative is humanistic. But it is also possible to employ methods like econometrics and epidemiology to the past, in which case history operates as a social science.


See also: navigating the disciplines (from 2020, with a video); the humanities for specialists and for everyone; against methodological individualism; three cores of contemporary social science (which is worryingly similar to the current post, but written in 2016); is social science too anthropocentric? etc.

the humanities for specialists and for everyone

Imagine a person giving attention to an artifact, something that another human being has made. A toddler listens to a story, a runner hears a song on a headset, a tourist observes a painting in a museum, or a believer listens to a sermon.

This is one fundamental experience of the humanities. Notice that anyone can do it, even a baby.

Now imagine that several people attend together to something that one or many other human beings have created. Perhaps several students discuss a written text, or a congregation responds to a sermon about a passage of scripture, or a musical group explores a composition.

Attention has now become far more complex. One may attend to the object (such as the text, the song, or the image) and perhaps to the person who created it; to the other people who are also attending to it; to the thoughts and emotions that arise in one’s mind; and to whatever one expresses, often to one’s own surprise. The situation is dynamic in the sense that your view of the artifact can change, eliciting a response from you that others may hear and counter, changing your view again.

Third, imagine that the participants in a discussion are concerned about issues and problems beyond the artifact and beyond their group. In a book club about a current novel, a reader may offer a comment or a question about gender roles in our society. A purpose of a musical performance may be to motivate the audience to take action. Congregants may discuss what they should do in response to Amos 5:24, “But let judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream.”

The complexity of the actual world vastly exceeds our capacity to reason about it. We must reason using models, which are simpler artifacts that resemble selected aspects of the world. A cultural artifact is often a model of the world that we can employ or criticize.

To summarize the argument so far: the three fundamental experiences of the humanities are private attention to an artifact, collective attention to an artifact, and participation in a public sphere in which an artifact serves as a model for deliberating on what we should do.

These experiences should remain connected. Even in a public debate, one has–or ought to have–a private relationship to the artifact, what we might call a space of “solitude” even when in company. The public sphere gains its richness from the contributions of many people who have retained their individuality.

We can explore the benefits of these three categories of experience. As just one example, a meta-analysis of the effects of reading fiction finds benefits for literacy, empathy, happiness, and even longevity (Mar, Dunk & Shoemaker 2027).

However, I would not rest the case for the humanities on their outcomes. Results probably vary. Other activities may also have benefits, perhaps even clearer ones. If you try to maximize mental health by finding the optimal mix of reading, running, meditation, and medication, reading might drop out of the formula. Finally, whether an experience of the humanities yields positive returns depends on how we do it. Reading fiction (for example) is not like a pill that lowers cholesterol. It is part of a life, and what happens next depends on us.

Instead of resting the case for the humanities on their outcomes, I would emphasize their intrinsic value. After all, what is the point of living at all? Not to boost our abilities to accomplish the next task until we die, but rather to use our time well. One way–not the only way–to employ our time well is to attend to what others have made, both alone and in company.

I noted that all human beings can have these experiences of the humanities, and probably almost all do so, at least to some extent. Expertise is not required. At the same time, any exercise of attention can deepen with time, focus, and guidance from other people. I can get more out of a poem by Elizabeth Bishop today than I would have gleaned from the same work 30 years ago. Fifty years ago, I was alive but had not even heard of Bishop. And today, some other people can get more from her work than I can because they have developed more relevant expertise. In this sense, anyone can be on a journey to heighten or enrich or broaden our attention.

Today we have expert humanists, such as professors of the humanistic disciplines, curators, editors, critics, and clergy and schoolteachers. Considering that all human beings can experience the humanities, what is the value of their expertise?

First, the scholarly humanities are valuable for their ultimate influence on the layperson’s experience of artifacts. This does not mean that every specialist must always address a lay audience directly. Specialization allows experts to exchange ideas efficiently without having to reexplain their methods, background knowledge, or basic concepts every time. Jargon has immense practical value. Nevertheless, the purpose of a whole body of scholarly literature is ultimately to influence the experience of non-specialists.

Elizabeth Bishop died in 1979, and I never came close to meeting her. A vast amount of verse by all kinds of people is available on the Internet. Why then do I sometimes read Bishop? Scholars and critics, who have read much more poetry than I have, have made her canonical. She features in anthologies that I (as a light reader of poetry) am likely to encounter. Sometimes, an anthology offers useful notes or prefatory comments or a biographical sketch that helps me to understand a poet in her context. When things go well, an extensive and perhaps somewhat technical scholarly discussion can filter down to an entry in an anthology that gives me an experience that I would otherwise miss. Similarly, a professional jazz performance benefits from musicology, often transmitted to the performers during their education. And any k12 or college course should benefit from scholarship.

Scholarship can have a positive valence, helping us to see why and how to enjoy an object more. It can have a neutral valence, simply helping us to analyze an artifact. Or it can be critical, in the sense of negative–revealing flaws in the original. The point of scholarship is not to maximize the pleasure that we take from any given artifact or to convince us to value it more, but rather to help us attend to it better. In the extreme, research can persuade us to turn away from a text after we know more about it, although in that case, I think we should turn to another work rather than giving up.

Second, just as ordinary people employ cultural artifacts to make points about the social world, so do professional humanists. Because a cultural artifact is a model of our world, professionals and experts can use it effectively to argue about the world beyond.

I agree with at least two points from the Washington University/Vanderbilt Report on the State of Scholarship in the Humanities and the Humanistic Social Sciences. First,

The problem is not that many scholars are politically active, or that they see their scholarly work as relevant to their activism. Scholars are members of the polity who rightly take an interest in social problems. Moreover, insofar as their scholarly competence provides them with relevant expertise, it is perfectly acceptable — some would say obligatory (Chomsky 1967) — for scholars to advocate for concrete reforms in light of their expertise

Second:

The problem is not that scholarship in these areas is often critical or oppositional, aiming to debunk or correct the presuppositions of previous scholarship and the wider set of established cultural norms that scholarship reflects.

For the authors of this report, the main problem is not either of these but rather “distortion,” which arises in its “most straightforward form … when otherwise traditional scholarship is constrained by disciplinary norms to yield results that have been determined in advance to be required by a political or social project.” The report claims, “Every field we have studied shows some signs of … a deterioration in scholarly standards fueled by the substitution of political criteria for properly scholarly criteria in the assessment of research and a more general repudiation of long-standing ideals of rigor and objectivity.”

I recognize examples that meet this description, but I am not sure that I would characterize them as prevalent or getting worse. Instead, I would ask the following evaluative question (which I do not find in the Report): Do humanist participate in the public sphere?

To enter a public discussion, you can have a political agenda; in fact, it can be a contribution. You can adopt radical and unpopular views. And you can even come from a homogeneous community of thinkers. Intellectual diversity is an asset, but not the only one; and in any case, groups of people who appear philosophically homogeneous from afar are often focused on their own worthy debates–whether they happen to be comparative literature professors or evangelical pastors.

However, to participate genuinely in the public debate, you must attend to a real audience. Attending to them means figuring out what they think, value, and aim for. You might decide to change your own mind or at least adjust the questions that you consider timely and pressing. Or you may want to change their minds, but that requires knowing them. If your goal is to inflience the world, you must also thoughtfully choose which audiences to engage. No change will come from offering persuasive arguments to people who already agree.

One reason that some humanists–I do not know how many–fail to engage the public is that they reject or abhor millions of their fellow citizens on moral grounds. Another obstacle is a romantic view that all real people agree, or would agree if only they were liberated from propaganda. Effective rhetoric requires investigating what other people really think, in all their diversity and complexity. This is partly a question for research, but there is no substitute for interacting with a variety of fellow citizens and paying attention to the response.

To conclude: the core of the humanities is a set of solitary and collaborative experiences that all human beings can have and whose primary value is intrinsic, although the humanities also help us to debate the social world. Expertise and professional scholarship can enrich those experiences, even when the scholarship is critical. Experts need not always be directly engaged with non-experts, but the scholarly discussion and the public sphere must be connected.

I would ask to what extent the public and professional humanists are genuinely attentive to each other, in the sense of striving to understand and influence one another. If there is a gap, I would charge professional humanists with fixing it. Perhaps laypeople would be well advised to pay more attention to scholarship. However, only the scholars themselves can convince everyone else to give us tuition, donations, royalties, and tax revenues and to entrust their children’s education to us. And that requires attending to them.


Source: Raymond A. Mar, Rebecca J. Dunk, Lilly H. Shoemaker, “The benefits of Reading Narrative Fiction,” Current Opinion in Psychology, volume 73, 202; the Washington University/Vanderbilt University Report on the State of Scholarship in the Humanities and the Humanistic Social Sciences. See also: “The world wants the humanities”; why the humanities could never be automated; the humanities as civic education; paradigms of attention, etc.

Universities Must Start Graduating More Good Citizens, by Anna Saavedra and Peter Levine

This post is by Anna Saavedra, Director of the Center for Civic Society at the USC Schaeffer Institute for Public Policy and Government Service, and me. I am currently a Nonresident Senior Scholar at the Schaeffer Institute as well as the Lincoln Filene Professor of Citizenship & Public Affairs at Tufts University’s Jonathan Tisch College of Civic Life.


Seven in 10 adults feel the U.S. higher education system is going in the wrong direction, and half say American democracy is functioning poorly, or very poorly. One proposed solution could tackle both problems simultaneously:  American colleges and universities could require civics curricula for all freshmen.

Students often arrive on campus without the insights, skills, and dispositions that are essential to the kind of civic behavior that sustains a democratic republic. Universities have a clear role to play in helping them become engaged, knowledgeable citizens, and to do so with academic rigor.

Most recently, a faculty panel at Yale urged the creation of a civic education initiative that would reach every freshman. Institutions considering such a step will face challenges, including how to staff a university-wide mandated curriculum. Presuming that practical problems could be overcome, any university would still have to address another hard question: What should a civics curriculum teach?

A lot will depend on how a university and its faculty views the major weaknesses and threats to the republic. For example, a course focused on America’s 250-year history might improve knowledge and appreciation of the Constitution and political traditions.  One that encourages dialogues and discussions involving diverse perspectives could be a counterweight to polarization and social media trolling. Global challenges, such as climate change and disruptive technologies, could be the topic of a class that encourages students to develop solutions, perhaps with a large dose of scientific literacy.

The drive to improve civic education will not yield a single national template, nor should it. A civics course built around the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence looks different from one anchored in diverse political and economic theories, or from a program centered on community-based service, or from a practicum in public policy.

Each approach develops different competencies, and there is no reason to expect—or demand—convergence. Diversity of curricula is inevitable and desirable. Institutions need to articulate the skills, knowledge, and values they believe citizenship requires, and design programs deliberately aimed at those goals.

Skeptics worry that such a curriculum risks becoming either superficial or politicized. A course that reduces citizenship to a fact checklist will fail to inspire; one that substitutes advocacy for analysis will also fall short. Avoiding these pitfalls requires intellectual humility, institutional discipline, and a genuine commitment to pluralism—to engaging students across lines of disagreement rather than confirming the views they already hold.

Fortunately, universities need not start from scratch. Existing efforts offer resources, frameworks, and communities of practice. The states of Florida and Arizona already require a civics course for all public university students, and some private institutions have adopted requirements of various types. Tulane University, for example, requires all undergraduates to spend two semesters in courses that involve service in their community.

The greatest risk is inaction. For too long, many universities have assumed students arrive with, or will passively acquire, the aptitude and knowledge necessary for democratic life. Civic ignorance is widespread, confidence is uneven, and engagement is often shallow or polarized. Higher education cannot solve these problems alone, but it can no longer disclaim responsibility.

The Yale committee is right to insist universities take the goal of citizenship development seriously. Doing so will require resources, creativity, and, above all, a willingness to engage difficult questions about what it means to be a U.S. citizen in the 21st century. Today’s undergraduates are tomorrow’s voters, jurors, public servants, and community leaders. The quality of their civic education will shape their own lives and the health of the republic itself.


See also: “a civic common reading program

a civic common reading program

In the Alliance for Civics in the Academy, we say:

Civic education should be a shared intellectual activity, grounded in texts, aimed at building a practical capacity for listening to and acting together with others, including those of differing beliefs.

I believe that citizenship or civic engagement is about more than texts and spoken words. It is also about work–and sometimes, sacrifice. We can learn to be effective citizens by serving or fighting or working instead of talking. Acts of citizenship can literally be silent.

Still, authentic words are scarce today. Despite the torrent of gigabytes of characters and sounds that human beings–and now also machines–circulate every second, we are at risk of losing considered words, the words of embodied human beings who have memories and hopes and the capacity to suffer and who speak or write to engage other people. Hence I believe that today’s civic education should emphasize slow, attentive reading and the creation of new words.

In Our Declaration, Danielle Allen recalls teaching working-class students in night school in Chicago. She writes,

To my embarrassment, however, I never read the Declaration slowly, the way I had been taught to read, until I did so with my night students. It’s a cliché to say that we fell in love, but we did. Its words became necessary for us; they became our Declaration. Through reading them slowly, we came into our inheritance: an understanding of freedom and equality, and of the value of finding the right words.

Here is a proposal for a program that could be adopted across a college or university as part of its civic mission. It builds on existing “common read” or “common book” programs, but it is a bit different. Those programs tend to encourage every student–or every incoming student–to read a recent book. Often, the author visits, and the book is incorporated in various courses and special events.

There is suggestive evidence that these programs bring academic and psychological benefits (Soria 2015). But they would not necessarily enhance civic learning. And I am skeptical that most students will actually read and discuss an assigned book, especially post-COVID and in the era of AI.

I would propose the following tweaks:

The chosen text should be concise yet very rich, so that it is possible to read it (possibly aloud) before discussing it and producing a response–all in real time.

It should address the core civic question, the question of collective agency. In other words, the text should be about groups discussing “What should we do?” and acting accordingly.

The text should generally be old enough that it has generated criticism and creative responses or echoes from various perspectives. These responses can be recommended along with the main assigned text.

Students would produce their own responses to the text in the form of words (written or spoken), images, music, or performances, either as individuals or in teams. With exceptions, such as the use of recording devices, they would make these products without the assistance of machines.

This program would include all students, from incoming undergraduates to residents in a medical school. Whether to require or merely encourage participation would depend on the institution’s rules and culture, and might vary within an institution.

The institution would produce a discussion guide and offer professional development opportunities for teachers, but instructors and facilitators could approach the text in their own ways, grounded in their own disciplines, professions, methods, and interests.

Since a new text would be chosen each year, a student in a multi-year academic program would experience a diversity of texts. Here are some illustrative examples:

  • Addams, Jane, “The Subjective Necessity of Social Settlements”
  • Arendt, Hannah, “Prologue” to The Human Condition
  • Auden, W.H, “September 1, 1939”
  • Brecht, Bertolt, “To Future Generations”
  • Brooks, Gwendolyn, “The Lovers of the Poor”
  • Dewey, John, The Public and its Problems, chapter 5 (selection)
  • Douglass, Frederick, “What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?”
  • Du Bois, W.E.B., “The General Strike,” chapter 4 of Black Reconstruction in America (selection)
  • Hall, Prince, “A Charge, delivered to the African Lodge”
  • Heaney, Seamus, “From the Republic of Conscience”
  • King, Martin Luther, Jr., “Letter from Birmingham Jail”
  • King, “I’ve Been to the Mountaintop”
  • Pope Leo XIV, Magnifica Humanitas: On Safeguarding the Human Person in the Time of Artificial Intelligence (2026)
  • Lincoln, Abraham, The Second Inaugural
  • Lord, Audre, “The Master’s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master’s House”
  • Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, The Book of Nehemiah
  • Reagan, Ronald, Speech at Pointe du Hoc, France (June 6, 1984)
  • Thucydides, The Melian Dialogue, from The Peloponnesian War (5.84-116)
  • Tocqueville, Alexis de, “Of the Use Which the Americans Make of Public Associations In Civil Life”
  • The Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) Confederacy’s Great Binding Law
  • The Declaration of Independence
  • The United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights

See also: Seamus Heaney, The Republic of Conscience (questions for a discussion); “Signal“; the papal encyclical on AI; etc.

profiles of engaged scholars

“Civically engaged political science (CER) research …. involves political scientists collaborating in a mutually beneficial way with people and groups beyond the academy to co-produce, share, and apply knowledge related to power or politics, contributing to self-governance” (Rasmussen et al 2021).

In this definition, the word “civic” refers to “How people govern themselves. Engaged research teams are self-governing collaborative groups (composed of community organizations, government actors, social movements, and others); their research strengthens self-governance for others.e with a central focus onquestions of power, politics, and governance.”

What does it look like to be involved in CER? Here are some successful trajectories. These are fictional profiles, but they are based on many real examples that I have known. I share the list partly to broaden people’s conceptions of what success might look like:

  1. Hired as an assistant professor in a research-intensive university that grants PhDs in political science, a scholar does some CER before winning tenure–along with other research. Publishes some results of the CER along with much other work. Gets tenure on the basis of the publication record.
  2. Someone with a PhD in political science takes those skills to a job in a nongovernmental organization (NGO). She works in research and evaluation, rising ultimately to be the CEO of the organization.
  3. A political scientist in a college located in a smaller community becomes an important convener and civic leader in that community. This person brings public figures to town and organizes community forums. The college comes to value this role.
  4. An experienced social movement activist earns a PhD by studying the movement (studying part-time while continuing to do practical work) and then continues to contribute to the movement as a teacher, scholar, and activist.
  5. A political scientist takes a first job after earning a PhD is in a research lab based in a university that is entirely funded by grants and contracts. One grants leads to another, and this person ends up directing the lab. 
  6. A professor has a heavy teaching load in an institution that emphasizes teaching. This instructor incorporates students in applied research projects with the local community. They publish informally, for local audiences.
  7. A scholar’s research agenda is mostly driven by a methodological or theoretical innovation, but they realize they need to do their research with partners. They gain skills in forming and sustaining partnerships.
  8. A political science professor does positivist research by day and social movement activism in the evenings and weekends. There is little connection between these two full-time jobs.
  9. An early-career scholar takes job in a community engagement center in a university and makes a career in that center and in others like it, ending as the vice provost for public engagement.
  10. A graduate student interested in CER cannot find a way to do CER until after tenure, when his early ideas suddenly germinate, and he conducts a CER project.
  11. An academic expert on a social group serves frequently on the boards of relevant organizations, moving from local groups to national and international ones.
  12. A political scientist studies local issues, often in dialogue with local activists. This person runs for political office and leaves academia when elected mayor.

I would offer all of these as successful profiles, although one might argue that some represent structural challenges that individuals have partially overcome through unreasonable amounts of struggle.


Source: Amy Cabrera Rasmussen, Peter Levine, Robert Lieberman, Valeria Sinclair-Chapman & Rogers Smith “Preface,” PS: Political Science & Politics symposium on Civically Engaged Research (2021). See also: civically engaged research in political science.

civically engaged research in political science

I am at the eighth Institute for Civically Engaged Research (ICER), a program of the American Political Science Association. Each summer, we gather about 20 political scientists (advanced PhD students, professors, and PhDs working outside academia) for four days of discussions about engaged research, which generally means research conducted in partnership with people or entities that are outside of academia. As we did last year, we are meeting at UCLA in Los Angeles, thanks to the John Randolph Haynes and Dora Haynes Foundation and UCLA’s Ralph Bunche Center.

I have been thinking about the standing of this kind of research and how it is viewed by powerful institutions. You could think of the following as a draft of a “power map” for civically engaged research in political science.

To start, we might think that colleges and universities are powerful institutions. On the other hand, many organizations and communities or social groups lack power. A junior scholar who wants to remedy that gap should collaborate with a disadvantaged group in ways that empower it. This requires humility by the scholar. In turn, the university and relevant discipline will probably dislike this style of research because it tends to shift power away. Therefore, the scholar will have to struggle against the university. Finally, the government may support engaged research when progressive are in charge, but when the government is right-wing, it will attack engaged research.

This model is not false, but I would like to complicate it.

All communities have power. Some geographical communities that are poor nevertheless wield considerable power though their elected governments. On the other hand, colleges and universities face significant constraints, economic and otherwise.

Senior faculty in departments that chase prestige may not appreciate engaged research because it may seem methodologically unsophisticated and may not yield generalizable conclusions. On the other hand, the discipline of political science has conferred its highest honors on some scholars whose research depended on partnerships, people like Elinor Ostrom and Jenny Mansbridge (or Ralph Bunche, back in the day). Thanks to the original leadership of Rogers Smith while he was APSA president–sustained by his successors–the Association offers ICER to boost this kind of research.

Also, senior administrators in prestigious universities sometimes prefer engaged research because it is interdisciplinary, it engages students, it attracts philanthropy, and it can improve local relationships.

At this moment, federal funding for political science is endangered, and one would expect the Trump Administration to target civically engaged research. Yet political scientists are involved today in federally funded interdisciplinary engaged research projects, and private philanthropic support may be expanding.

In short, I think the power map is quite complex. My ideal end-state would not be a world in which every political scientist does engaged research. I admire other kinds of research as well. But I would like to see more and better civically engaged research, and moving toward that goal requires navigating a context of both opportunities and risks.


See also: the landscape for civically engaged research (2025; rather similar to these remarks); Civically Engaged Research in Political Science (2023); bootstrapping value commitments (2022)

from the spring summit on civics in higher education

On April 10, the Tisch College of Civic Life, the Alliance for Civics in the Academy, and GBH (formerly WGBH-Boston) organized a national summit on civics in higher education. Some outputs from that summit are now public.

Joanna Kenty kindly published a version of my opening remarks in The Renovator, under the heading “What was civic education, and what can it become?” My whole original talk is also available as a video.

Videos of the conference’s main panels are on GBH’s webpage. These sessions discussed three major categories of civic work in higher education today: 1) community engagement, 2) curricula focused on civics, and 3) research in support of democracy:

GBH also presents the opening remarks of Jonathan Holloway, a historian who is now the president of the Henry Luce Foundation and previously served as the president of Rutgers. And they present a talk by Eboo Patel, the founder of Interfaith America, on treating diversity as part of civic education.

An Instagram reel records an interview with UCSD’s Fonna Forman during the summit. Fonna is a leader of a remarkable set of community engagements in the San Diego/Tijuana metropolitan area, which (among other accomplishments) won the 2026 National Design Award.

GBH also interviewed my former advisee Seona Maskara (Tufts 2026) at the summit, to give a student’s perspective.

universities and newsrooms as laboratories or debating societies

Higher education and the press are important sources of knowledge and insight in modern societies. I think that many people who are interested and concerned about these institutions view them as similar to either 1) labs or 2) debating societies. Both metaphors contain some truth but also mislead.

If you imagine an academic program or a newsroom as similar to a lab, then you will presume that its outputs are information and knowledge. You will probably expect the professionals (professors or reporters) to apply rigorous methods. Any good method counters biases, emotions, and other forms of subjectivity. For example, your own political views should not affect the results of a survey that you conduct if your sample is representative and your statistical techniques are appropriate. In this respect, sampling Americans’ views of Donald Trump is just like taking water samples to measure pH levels. Likewise, your opinions shouldn’t matter if you report on the municipal budget after interviewing a range of insiders and experts.

On this model, you would expect students and novice professionals to learn methods and to be aware of the best supported findings of previous research. Methods and findings should constitute the primary content of education.

When you see a professional consensus about a topic, that is a sign that its methods are working well. Disagreement is problematic, although you can hope that new data or new methods will resolve any temporary dispute.

On the other hand, if you imagine a college as similar to a debating society, then you will think first of a seminar room where there is a free-flowing discussion of a contentious issue (or perhaps a late-night argument in a dorm room). Similarly, you will think first of the op-ed page of a newspaper or a broadcast talk show.

Then you will expect to observe people expressing opinions. Disagreement is desirable–a debate is pointless if everyone agrees–and consensus can be a warning that the whole institution is biased. When someone makes an authoritative claim, along the lines of “We know that X,” you will be quick to suspect them of suppressing alternative views. Your evaluative criteria may include whether the expressed opinions are diverse, whether participants are appropriately open to alternative opinions, whether certain views should be excluded because they are out of bounds, and whether the institution reflects the range of opinions of some appropriate population. (For example, maybe a US broadcast network should present all opinions popular in the US electorate–although that claim is debatable.)

One drawback of the debating society model is that it overlooks the main activities of most professors and reporters: collecting information, applying methods, and reporting results. A session of a college course is much more likely to be spent discussing p-values or prosody than debating politics. In the case of journalism, the number of Americans paid to collect news has fallen by about 77 percent, on a per capita basis, since 1990. There may also be a declining public commitment to academic research across a range of fields.

Also, people who see universities and newsrooms as debating platforms may simply fail to reckon with stubborn information. Sometimes a professional consensus reflects facts, whether we like it or not.

However, if you assume that a university or a newsroom is like a lab, then you will not admit that any question pursued by a journalist or a professor reflects values–beliefs about what is important and why–and assumptions about which methods and sources are legitimate. There may be a neutral way to apply Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) regression to a dataset, but there is no such thing as a neutral dataset. Someone chose to measure certain things because they seemed important.

Instead of being willing to debate and justify your own values and hear critiques of them, you may try to claim that values are irrelevant to your professional work. You will be most comfortable with domains where methods and findings seem relatively uncontroversial, such as the natural sciences and certain kinds of “hard news.” (There either was or was not a fire on Main Street last night).

As topics become controversial, you will become increasingly wary of the observers’ objectivity. For instance, humanities scholars study religion without endorsing specific religions, but you may wonder why something as contestable as a religious belief is a worthy topic, let alone whether an interpretive scholar of religion can be reliable.

For people who see research as value-free science, ethics is unintelligible. It clearly isn’t like a lab science, but if it’s just a matter of opinions, then it isn’t a discipline at all. At best, ethics is a set of legalistic boundaries around the research enterprise, like “Don’t collect data without people’s permission.”

In the modern world, we are confronted with the challenge of navigating both facts and values when the two are deeply connected. We must respect both rigorous methods and free debates. We are trying to grasp truths and honor other people who believe different things. These combinations are difficult.

We might also remember that institutions that are a bit like labs and a bit like debating societies are also other things. Colleges are literal homes for resident students, large-scale employers, institutional investors, landlords, developers, performance venues, and gatekeepers to valuable credentials. Many news agencies are for-profit companies, employers, advertising platforms, and entertainers. Blindness to those realities can make us too comfortable with either model–the lab or the debating society.


See also: when does a narrower range of opinions reflect learning?; what must we believe?
Max Weber on institutional neutrality etc.

an overview of civics in higher education

On April 10, the Tisch College of Civic Life at Tufts University and the Alliance for Civics in the Academy (ACA), with support from GBH, held a one-day national summit on civics in higher education. All day, we heard from leaders of exemplary programs that emphasize various combinations of community engagement, academic coursework, and research and experimentation on democracy.

GBH has posted a video of the substantive portions of my opening remarks. My 7-minute talk may also serve as an overview of civic education in the academy as I see it today.

(The subtitles are a little inaccurate, but close enough …)

What Counts As Success? Assessing The Impact Of Civics In Higher Ed

On February 18, the Alliance for Civics in the Academy hosted a webinar on “What Counts as Success? Assessing the Impact of Civics in Higher Ed” with Trygve Throntveit, Rachel Wahl, Joseph Kahne, and me.

We discussed some of the advantages of developing reliable and consistent measurements of civic education, particularly the opportunity to learn from data and the need to be accountable. We also discussed some drawbacks and risks, including Campbell’s Law (a remark by Donald T. Campbell): “The more any quantitative social indicator is used for social decision-making, the more subject it will be to corruption pressures and the more apt it will be to distort and corrupt the social processes it is intended to monitor.”

We asked ourselves who should use assessments, and for what purposes. For example, it is a different matter for a college professor to get feedback from the students in a course or for a university to measure student outcomes. I thought the conversation was both intellectually serious and relevant to practice.

Panelists:

  • Rachel Wahl: Associate Professor in the Social Foundations Program, Department of Educational Leadership, Foundations, and Policy at the School of Education and Human Development at the University of Virginia
  • Joseph Kahne: Ted and Jo Dutton Presidential Professor for Education Policy and Politics and Director of the Civic Engagement Research Group at the University of California, Riverside.
  • Trygve Throntveit: PhD, Research Professor in Higher Education and Associate Director of the Center for Economic and Civic Learning (CECL) at Ball State University.

I was the moderator. The video is here: