Participatory Budgeting’s Promise for Democracy

Reprinted from Governing - July 19, 2016

For local-government officials everywhere, deeper, more meaningful constituent engagement is a major goal -- and a major challenge. Among the many processes, platforms and technology that officials are experimenting with to reach this goal, one in particular has quickly expanded in popularity: participatory budgeting.

Participatory budgeting, or PB, enables residents to directly decide how to spend some of the capital funds in their communities. In this country, PB has grown from a single process in a single ward in Chicago in 2009 to 63 processes in 22 cities. Last year alone, more than 70 million people voted in a PB process, deciding how to spend nearly $50 million.

PB clearly holds great promise. In Brazil, where PB started in the late 1980s, research has shown it has contributed significantly to broader public participation, particularly among the disenfranchised. Over time, in Brazil and other parts of the world, PB has also been associated with improvements in public health, reduced corruption, greater trust in government, higher tax compliance and stronger economic growth.

Certain actions communities took when implementing PB were associated with greater participation among disenfranchised communities.

Could we see similar outcomes in the United States? That determination will require patience, time, research and resources; after all, it took 10 years of PB to have meaningful impacts in Brazil. In partnership with local evaluators and practitioners, Public Agenda has undertaken the first-ever comprehensive analysis of PB in the United States and Canada, analyzing data from 46 jurisdictions that used PB in 2014 and 2015.

Our report describes the growth of this engagement phenomenon and, drawing on lessons learned from jurisdictions that have implemented it, provides guidance to local officials looking to make the most of PB in their communities. The report also describes encouraging findings related to PB's success in boosting engagement among traditionally disenfranchised communities.

According to the results of voter surveys, for example, black residents, low-income residents and women voted via PB processes at levels that either matched or exceeded their representation in local census data in most communities. At the same time, however, there was a wide variation in how successful communities were at bringing out such voters.

While on average 21 percent of PB voters were black, for example, that ranged from under 1 percent in one community to 95 percent in another. Looking at the data in another way, in 46 percent of communities black residents were over-represented among PB voters while they were under-represented in 11 percent of communities. You can look at similar data for income, education, gender and age.

Certain actions communities took when implementing PB were associated with greater participation among disenfranchised communities. Particularly important were collaboration with community-based organizations and person-to-person outreach.

Local governments typically reported collaborating with four community-based organizations to facilitate outreach in PB. The more such partnerships local government reported, the larger the proportion of residents from disenfranchised committees participated among PB voters.

And communities in which PB organizers reported engaging directly with residents on the street, in coffee shops, laundromats, fast-food restaurants, at schools -- pretty much wherever people typically congregate -- saw higher rates of participation from low-income voters and voters of color.

But while most communities brought out large numbers of black, low-income and women residents, the same was not true of Latino residents, who were under-represented among PB voters in 68 percent of communities. One likely reason is that Spanish-language ballots and/or voter surveys (and other outreach materials) may be missing from many voting sites.

What we've learned about PB so far makes clear that, to improve our knowledge of these and other impacts on our communities, local stakeholders must make data collection and evaluation an integral part of the process. This is true regardless of whether they are doing PB for the first time or the sixth time.

Resources exist to help communities set goals and collect key data points about their PB implementation, about their participants and about the projects that make it onto the ballot and that eventually receive PB funding. These resources include voter survey templates (also translated into other languages), definitions of key metrics and an evaluation timeline.

Public Agenda is also helping PB communities across the U.S. and Canada to coordinate some of their evaluation and research efforts and to collectively continue to tell a national and binational story of PB and its impact. We have much to learn, but what we already know is that this approach to decision-making holds great promise for our democracy and for the civic health of our communities.

Performance Monitoring of the National Assembly from Citizens’ Perspective

Author: 
History/Overview This project was launched after the completion of Pakistan’s 13th National Assembly’s first 5 year term under a civilian President and an elected National Assembly, on March 16 2013. PILDAT implemented the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s Evaluating Parliament: a Self-Assessment ToolKit for Parliaments which offers different mechanisms and experiments to evaluate:...

Participatory Poverty Assessment-Pakistan

Author: 
History/Overview In early 2001, a participatory poverty assessment mission was implemented in North-Western Frontier Provinces and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan by provincial and national steering committees, PPA-NGO partners, and a team of national consultants. The aim of the project is to empower the voices of the most...

Aawaz Voice and Accountability

Author: 
Aawaz Voice and Accountability- Strenghtening Participatory Organization History/Overview Dedicated to cultivating a culture of tolerance, peace and vertical accountability within Pakistan, Strengthening Participatory Organization launched a 5 year initiative for mobilizing participatory projects and critical voice channels in civil society. The project is a joint-venture between citizens, NGOs and many...

Open Carry in Ohio

With the Republican National Convention taking place in Cleveland this week, and on the heels of deadly police shootings in Dallas and Baton Rouge, the Cleveland Police Union is pushing for a temporary ban on that state’s open carry gun law:

“We are sending a letter to Gov. Kasich requesting assistance from him. He could very easily do some kind of executive order or something — I don’t care if it’s constitutional or not at this point,” Stephen Loomis, president of Cleveland Police Patrolmen’s Association, told CNN. “They can fight about it after the RNC or they can lift it after the RNC, but I want him to absolutely outlaw open-carry in Cuyahoga County until this RNC is over.”

In preparation for the convention, the City of Cleveland has announced a ban on at least 72-items within the “event zone.” The list includes tennis balls, ice chests, metal-tipped umbrellas, and locks. The ban also includes a general provision against “any dangerous ordinance, weapon, or firearm that is prohibited by the laws of the State of Ohio.”

There’s just one thing: there’s not that much banned by the state of Ohio.

While the 2nd Amendment of the U.S. Constitution states, “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed,” the Ohio State Constitution takes a somewhat differs tact:

The people have the right to bear arms for their defense and security; but standing armies, in time of peace, are dangerous to liberty, and shall not be kept up; and the military shall be in strict subordination to the civil power.

While there are some restrictions on the use of firearms within a motor vehicle and establishments with a liquor license, Ohio State law generally allows for the open carry of firearms and does not require a permit or license for purchase.

For his part, Governor Katich declined to implement a temporary ban, arguing through a statement from his spokeswoman Emmalee Kalmbach:

Ohio governors do not have the power to arbitrarily suspend federal and state constitutional rights or state laws as suggested. The bonds between our communities and police must be reset and rebuilt – as we’re doing in Ohio – so our communities and officers can both be safe. Everyone has an important role to play in that renewal.

On the surface, I am inclined to agree. It may seem absurd that tennis balls are banned as dangerous while firearms are permitted, but state law is quite clear in this area. The City of Cleveland explicitly banned only those weapons which are banned by state law because they don’t have the power to ban anything further.  The Governor may have state-wide purview, but he still doesn’t have the power to suspend the state constitution.

There’s an interesting argument that was made by gun rights activists during the debate on whether to prohibit people on the terror watch list from buying guns: the terror watch list is notoriously bad. Using it as a filter creates a dangerous precedent for arbitrarily restricting citizens’ constitutional rights.

If the government proposed restricting the 1st amendment rights of citizens named by some poorly formulated, clearly imprecise list that it is nearly impossible to get off of, I would be justifiably upset.

Quite frankly, when it comes to the 1st amendment and conventions, I’m not even a fan of so-called “free speech zones,” areas where protestors are pushed off to the side, hidden from media, and delicately repressed in the name of safety.

A temporary ban on firearms seems constitutionally quite similar to this – though the danger posed by free speech is quite less.

Interestingly, Cleveland was planning a Free Speech Zone around the convention, but following a suit from the ACLU was forced to minimize restrictions on 1st amendment rights.

Also interestingly, firearms are explicitly banned within the arena itself – this area falls under the jurisdiction of the Secret Service which, from what I can tell, has the purview to ban whatever it wants.

All of this, however, relies on the argument that the 2nd amendment is the same as the 1st amendment.

If I would have a problem with the temporary suspension of the 1st amendment, I should logically have a problem with the temporary suspension of the 2nd amendment – or any other amendments for that matter. Just because I have a personal distaste for a certain amendment doesn’t give the state the right to treat the amendment differently.

This all makes sense and sounds rational on paper, but – here’s the thing: the 2nd amendment isn’t the same.

The Bill of Rights exists to protect me, to protect citizens, from an overbearing, centralized government. The Bill of Rights stands as a testament to the ideal that this government will never be able to strip be of my fundamental rights.

But the 2nd amendment doesn’t make me feel empowered, it doesn’t make me feel safe. It makes me feel scared of my fellow citizens.

I have to image that those who uphold the 2nd amendment feel much differently – that they genuinely see themselves as part of a well-regulated militia, ready to jump into action to ensure the freedom of the State.

But to me, the 2nd amendment is very different. I worry about a government which can strip our right to protest. I worry about a government which can have secret trials and which can unreasonably search its citizens.

I don’t worry about a government which restricts the ability of people to keep and bear arms – I’m more worried about the functioning of a government which can ban tennis balls but not weapons.

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on inhabiting earth with inaccessibly beautiful things

I unfortunately know no Chinese. The sounds, resonances, allusions, and calligraphy of traditional Chinese poetry can reach me only through paraphrase or as abstract patterns, each character looking not much different from the next. However, Perry Link writes,

Should we compare poetry across civilizations? If we do, classical Chinese poetry wins easily. The contest is almost unfair, because, as my students of Chinese language eventually come to see, the fundaments of language are different.

Indo-European languages, with their requirements that tense, number, gender, and part of speech be specified, and with the mandatory word inflections that the specifications entail, and with the extra syllables that the inflections add, just can’t achieve the same purity—a sense of terseness and expanse at the same time—that tenseless, numberless, voiceless, uninflected, and uninflectible Chinese characters can achieve. In a contest, one person has a butterfly net and the other a window screen.

I thought of this passage during a recent, brief visit to the Sackler Gallery in Washington, which is showing “Painting with Words: Gentleman Artists of the Ming Dynasty.” The highlights are vast, wall-sized hanging scrolls that display poems in the original authors’ calligraphy. The setting is abstract, modern, respectfully dark. In the background, a recording of a classical Chinese zither plays. The English translations by a Sackler curator, Stephen D. Allee, produce what I would call good poetry. The language is moving and sometimes surprising. For instance:

My friends are scattered few and far apart and the rain just drizzles on.
Fragrance fades from the incense burner and the teacups have toppled over;
I composed a poem on plum blossoms, but I’m sorry it is not well done.

I trust that these English lines convey the sense of the end of a poem by Wen Zhengming (composed ca. 1500), but they bear only a distant relationship to the scroll he painted and the sounds that his intended audience would hear as they read it. It’s strange to think that I will never be able to experience a deeply valuable art form–in Link’s estimation, the best tradition of poetry in the world–even though I can stand in the same room with it.

(See also: nostalgia for now and Ito Jakuchu at the National Gallery)

Transforming Historical Harms

The 96-page manual, Transforming Historical Harms by David Anderson Hooker and Amy Potter Czajkowski, was uploaded October 2013 on Coming to the Table‘s site. The manual gives a holistic framework to address historical injustices, in a way that engages all participants, and identifies the aftermath and legacies of [generational] trauma. This manual was developed by Coming to the Table and has been a collective effort of Eastern Mennonite University’s (EMU) Center for Justice & Peacebuilding (CJP) and their Strategies for Trauma Awareness and Resilience (STAR) program. From the STAR program, came the group Coming to the Table, which itself was launched in 2006 when a group of EMU participants gathered to address the historical trauma between descendants of enslaved African-Americans and enslaver European-Americans.

The framework is given through the lens of trauma and provides a holistic approach to transform traumas from historical injustices for healing to occur. In order to be possible, all participants affected must be included and address all the following aspects: “Facing History; Making Connections; Healing Wounds; and Taking Action”.

The manual provides five sections and an appendix:
Section I: Overview, context and using the manual
Section II: The THH Framework
Section III: Practices of the THH Approach
Section IV: Analysis and Process Design
Section V: Tools and Resources for Practicing the THH Approach

Below is an excerpt from the manual, you can find the it in full on Coming to the Table’s site here.

From the manual…

The THH Framework
The Transforming Historical Harms (THH) manual articulates a Framework for addressing the historical harms mentioned above as well as the many others present in societies around the world. The framework looks at historical injustices and their present manifestations through the lens of trauma and identifies the mechanisms for the transmission of historical trauma: legacies and aftermaths. These are the beliefs and structures responsible for transmitting trauma responses and traumagenic circumstances between generations. The framework then offers a comprehensive approach to transforming historical harms through Facing History; Making Connections; Healing Wounds; and Taking Action. Transforming historical harms must occur through the practice of all these dimensions. The order in which they are engaged can be different, but none can be omitted. This approach will be the primary focus of the manual. Finally, the framework includes the levels at which healing needs to occur, which range from the individual to the international level. For the sake of simplicity, we will refer to analysis and interventions at the individual and group levels.

The framework we offer in this manual is unique in several ways. The four part THH Approach is holistic because each dimension is interconnected with the others and the approach only works when all the dimensions are present. The framework introduces specific understandings of the concepts of legacy and aftermath, and transformation is considered incomplete unless both beliefs and structures have been addressed that have been responsible for perpetuating historical trauma and harms. The THH framework includes all groups that have participated in and have been touched by the historical trauma and harms rather than focusing exclusively on the group or groups that have been named the “victims.” There is clear and ample evidence that in the context of massive and historical trauma, those who were victimized, those who perpetrated, those who were bystanders AND the descendants of each group are all effected. It is our assumption that participation and healing is required at some point for all groups in order for the approach to be effective. Not only is it requisite for all groups to participate, but for consideration to be made for the unique manifestations of trauma across generations for each group and for healing interventions to occur at the individual and group levels.

How to use this manual:
The intention of this manual is to provide value to those trying to address the personal, familial, communal and/or societal remnants of traumagenic historical experiences that continue to hurt or limit the lives of individuals, groups, societies and nations. The pain or limitation could result from overt violence such as enslavement, war, colonialism or genocide, or more subtle forms of violence like discrimination, poverty and personal or societal exclusion.

Objectives: Those using this manual will:
1. Learn how historical harms, which are current challenges in our lives and communities, are rooted in large-scale historical traumas.
2. Identify how Legacy and Aftermath describe the transmission of historical trauma and harms.
3. Apply the Transforming Historical Harms Approach that includes:
a. Exploring approaches to facing history that help identify ways to move forward;
b. Learning how making connections — building relationships across historical divisions — can create partnerships capable of working towards effective change;
c. Identifying the importance of creating spaces and methods that welcome and support healing wounds (mind, body and spirit) from truama both individually and collectively; and
d. Taking action to address beliefs, behaviors and structures responsible for ongoing harms.
4. Explore historical trauma and harms in specific contexts, and learn about strategies for using the THH approach in these situations.

Above is an excerpt of the manual. We recommend looking at the manual in full, which can be found here.

About Coming to the Table
Coming to the Table provides leadership, resources, and a supportive environment for all who wish to acknowledge and heal wounds from racism that is rooted in the United States’ history of slavery. Our vision for the United States is of a just and truthful society that acknowledges and seeks to heal from the racial wounds of the past—from slavery and the many forms of racism it spawned.

Follow on Twitter: @ComingToTable

About EMU’s Center for Justice and Peacebuilding
The Center for Justice & Peacebuilding educates a global community of peacebuilders through the integration of practice, theory and research. Our combined vision is to prepare, transform, and sustain leaders to create a just and peaceful world.

Follow on Twitter: @CJP_EMU

Resource Link: http://comingtothetable.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/01-Transforming_Historical_Harms.pdf

Join NIFI & Kettering for Online Forums on Energy & Climate

NCDD members are invited to participate in two online forums hosted on the Common Ground for Action platform that was created by NCDD member organizations the Kettering Foundation and the National Issues Forums Institute. These deliberative forums, hosted on July 22 and Aug. 3, will help KF and NIFI hone their issue guide materials on the decisions we face around energy and the environment – we encourage you to join! You can read more in the NIFI announcement below, or find the original post here.


Two Opportunities – You’re Invited to Join an Online Forum about Energy Choices

You are invited to join one of two upcoming online forums to deliberate about Energy Choices as part of a new Environment and Society series of forum materials that will be available for people to use in their communities. The online forums will use the Common Ground for Action platform.

National Issues Forums (NIF) is working with the North American Association for Environmental Education on the second framing in our new “Environment and Society” series, “Energy Choices.” We now have a draft framing ready to test out in forums, and we’d like you to help!

Please check your calendars and register for either of the two upcoming online test forums. These forums will be run just like regular Common Ground for Action (CGA) forums, to see if they produce real deliberative conversation and choice making.

Energy CGA Forum 1: Fri. July 22, 1:30 pm ET
REGISTER

Energy CGA Forum 2: Wed. Aug. 3, 1 pm ET
REGISTER

Can’t make it? Share this invitation with a friend or share on your social media – for these test forums particularly, we want a diverse range of voices!

You can find the original version of this NIFI blog post at www.nifi.org/en/two-opportunities-youre-invited-join-online-forum-about-energy-choices

Citizens’ Group for Electoral Process in Pakistan

Author: 
History/Overview The Citizens’ Group on Electoral Process (CGEP) was formed by the Pakistani Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency (PILDAT) in 2006. Its labours are directed towards the vision of free, fair and credible elections in Pakistan, as well as instituting electoral reform. Traditionally, Pakistani elections are monitored by regional...