Dropouts: What Should We Do?

This issue guide was created by the David Mathews Center for Civic Life in 2010 for Alabama Issues Forums that took place in 2010 and 2011. Dropouts: What Should We Do? provides a brief overview of the dropout issue and outlines three approaches to addressing this public issue.

Dropouts-coverThe David Mathews Center—a non-profit, non-partisan, non-advocacy organization—does not advocate a particular solution to the dropout issue, but rather seeks to provide a framework for citizens to carefully examine multiple approaches, weigh costs and consequences, and work through tensions and tradeoffs among different courses of action.

The issue guide’s introductory essay, provided by the Alabama State Department of Education, outlines the impact of the dropout issue on Alabama and the nation:

Every 26 seconds a student drops out of school.

The dropout crisis is one of the greatest threats to the United States. The students that leave our education systems without a diploma create an economic, social and generational crisis for the entire nation. Every state and its students are impacted by dropouts, who create deficits in the educational wealth and financial stability of the population.

The issue guide outlines three possible approaches to addressing the issue:

Approach One: “Emphasize Achievement”
Dropouts from our K-12 schools are regrettable, but our primary focus should be on emphasizing achievement, initiative, discipline, and creativity among those who choose to stay in school. These characteristics are best promoted through competition and recognition of success in that competition. These are characteristics we want in our work force. These are characteristics we need to be successful in individual life, community vitality, and global competiveness. We need our best young people to be all they can be.

Approach Two: “Emphasize Preventative and Corrective School Programs”
Social costs are too high if we do not address dropout prevention and correction. Dropouts don’t always simply lack individual initiative, discipline, and perseverance. Some young people come from poor family backgrounds and lack support for learning outside the school environment. Others get behind early in reading ability and lack positive role models. Some students have understandings and skills that are not easily quantified and measured, and they give up competing in situations that are beyond what they see as leading to productive lives. Some have family situations that require their primary attention, including those who serve as the primary wage earner for the household. We need solutions that take into account students backgrounds and situations.

Approach Three: “Emphasize Community Responsibility”
Ideally schools might emphasize both achievement and prevention, but some problems are beyond the resources and capacities of schools to address. Some young people need more help than they can get during school hours. Communities should think broadly and creatively about their overall educational resources, not just their schools. Moreover, some young people have substance abuse problems and/or such rebellious behavior that they cannot be kept in schools. Yet, if they do not receive constructive attention, they may become even worse problems.

More About DMC Issue Guides…

David Mathews Center issue guides are named and framed by Alabama citizens for Alabama Issues Forums (AIF) during a biennial “Citizens’ Congress” and follow-up workshops. Alabama Issues Forums is a David Mathews Center signature program designed to bring Alabama citizens together to deliberate and take community action on an issue of public concern. All AIF issue guides, and accompanying post-forum questionnaires, are available for free download at www.mathewscenter.org/resources.

For further information about the Mathews Center, Alabama Issues Forums, or this publication, visit www.mathewscenter.org.

Resource Link: www.mathewscenter.org//wp-content/uploads/2013/05/Issues-Brief_web.pdf

This resource was submitted by Cristin Foster of the David Mathews Center for Civic Life via our Add-a-Resource form.

Announcing NCDD Coffee Hour: Thursdays @ 12pm EST

Join us this Thursday for NCDD’s first “Coffee Hour.”  These informal one-hour calls will give NCDD members an opportunity to connect with each other, bring up challenges they’re facing in their work, and who knows what else… we’ll see!  This is the start of an 8-week experiment to see if regular open-topic conference calls are useful to our members.

I believe that if we open up some informal space on a weekly basis for us to connect with each other, we’ll be pleasantly surprised by what happens.  As interest grows from week to week, we can improve the design.

CoffeeHour-mug-logoWhen: Each Thursday at 12pm EST
Dial-in number: (605) 715-4920
Access code: 616033

What to bring:
1. Bring your own topic related to dialogue/deliberation such as new insights you’ve gained or challenges that you’re facing where you would like the input from others on the call.
2. Mug of coffee or tea :)

Timeline:
5 min - Small talk as we wait for everyone to join the call.
5 min- Very brief intros (Name, organization, and location in one sentence.  The question/topic that you’d like to discuss on the call in one sentence, if any.)
50 min- Free form discussion.  I’ll provide very light facilitation to periodically bring up the questions that the group raised at the beginning of the call.  If there are late-comers, I’ll ask them to introduce themselves when the conversation comes to a natural break.

Notes:
1. The minimalist design is intentional (i.e. no pre-set agenda, minimal planning, easily facilitated by other community members in the future) so that this can be self-organizing and sustainable community infrastructure for the long haul.
2. You are welcome to add your name to the list of participants on the collaborative notes page so others have an idea of who will attend.

Let’s have some fun!

NoVo Foundation

NoVo Foundation is dedicated to catalyzing a transformation in global society, moving from a culture of domination to one of equality and partnership. It supports the development of capacities in people—individually and collectively—to help create a caring and balanced world. NoVo envisions a world that operates on the principles of mutual respect, collaboration, and civic participation, thereby reversing the old paradigm predicated on hierarchy, violence, and the subordination of girls and women.

The foundation places a high priority on a compassionate view of the world and on the highest definition of philanthropy — in the roots of the words anthro and philo — “for the love of human beings.” NoVo sees itself as a learning organization and they believe they can be most impactful by being aware of the interconnectedness of all things.

They structure grantmaking around initiatives, rather than by program areas. These initiatives are varied in form, but all reflect NoVo’s commitment to building authentic partnerships with grantees and other funders, and to taking calculated risks.

NoVo initiatives include:

  • Empowering adolescent girls
  • Ending violence against girls and women
  • Advancing social and emotional learning
  • Promoting local living economies

NoVo was created in 2006 after Warren Buffett pledged to donate 350,000 shares of Berkshire Hathaway Inc. stock to the foundation.

About Jennifer & Peter Buffett
Jennifer and Peter Buffett are the Co-Chairs of  NoVo Foundation; Jennifer also serves as President. Peter Buffett is the youngest son of investor Warren Buffett. Jennifer and Peter have been active philanthropists since 1997. They were named in Barron’s list of top 25 most effective philanthropists in 2009 and 2010.

Learn more about NoVo at www.novofoundation.org/about-us/.

Resource Link: www.novofoundation.org

Cooperative Co-Production of Solar Power in a Small Town

A vexing problem for many potential commons is the lack of startup capital to get a project going while nurturing the social structures to organize participation and work.  I recently learned of an ingenious solution developed by a group of “time banking” commoners in West Virginia.  They adapted a traditional Time Bank system of barter-exchange and combined it with common pool of funds, which in turn served as an engine of development for DIY solar power installations -- in the heart of coal country, West Virginia!

Greg Bloom of Washington, D.C., who has a keen interest in cooperatives and commons, alerted me to his case study of the project.  (Thanks, Greg!)  As he tells the story at the Community Power Network website, the tax incentive approach to promoting solar power has distinct limits.  It is too geared to people who already earn enough to benefit from the tax breaks.  But what if you are low-income and have trouble paying your utility bills?  You don’t earn enough to be incentivized, and you don’t have enough to pay for the upfront costs of a solar project.

In the town of Philippi, West Virginia, a local engineer, John Prusa, known locally as a “benevolent mad scientist,” had “designed and built his own home’s solar power array, and then shared his designs with neighbors and helped them develop their own,” writes Bloom.  Prusa and a local minister, Ruston Seaman, of People's Chapel Church, found each other, and decided to start a new group, New Vision Renewable Energy

The Church had once been the host of a flourishing Time Bank system with over 300 members, and even a store that accepted the Time Bank credits.  But the system had fallen into disuse for a variety of reasons.  Time Banks are a system by which members can earn credits for work they do for each other, at a rate of one credit, one hour of work. The systems are especially valuable for people with more time than money, such as low-income people and the elderly.  It helps them get their needs met, without money, outside of the marketplace.  Time Banks can serve important needs in areas that banks and markets have abandoned or ignored. 

read more

the empirical impact of the humanities

(Washington, DC) I have two major professional interests: civic engagement and the humanities. Thanks to a partnership with the organization Indiana Humanities, I am enjoying an opportunity to bring the two together. Up to now, my arguments for the humanities have been theoretical and philosophical. (They are in my books Reforming the Humanities: Literature and Ethics from Dante through Modern Times, 2009; Living Without Philosophy: On Narrative, Rhetoric, and Morality, 1998; and Nietzsche and the Modern Crisis of the Humanities, 1995.) But there are also empirical questions about what happens when people experience the humanities–and especially when laypeople participate in the “public humanities” in the form of book clubs, museum visits, or maintaining local historical sites. We at CIRCLE are helping Indiana Humanities with a case study of their state’s humanities “ecosystem.” As it says on their website:

Using a survey method, Indiana Humanities (along with leading researchers) will collect data on humanities-related institutions and program opportunities in Indiana, how they are connected to one another, and how people in Indiana participate in the humanities. The goal is to “map” the network of relationships among the various public and academic humanities sectors and between the humanities enterprise and the broader community.

The next stage–if we can pull it off later on–will be to find out whether the strength of the humanities “ecosystem” in a community is related to important social outcomes.

 

The post the empirical impact of the humanities appeared first on Peter Levine.

How To Boost Teacher Voice In Policy

Reprinted from Education Week - August 16, 2013


In just a couple of months, the Badass Teachers Association, a new teacher-advocacy group dedicated to productive discourse that improves the teaching profession, has made a deep impression on the education reform community and seen its ranks explode. Its members-only Facebook group now numbers more than 20,000. If this isn’t a sign that teachers are aching to have their voices heard, we’re not sure what is. But to truly have an impact on education policy, advocating for a seat at the table is just step one in a long, arduous, yet essential path.

Given their proximity to the issues, teachers should be leading discussions with their colleagues on education reform. They should also be engaging with other key stakeholders, including principals, superintendents, and parents, in robust explorations about possible approaches.

Asserting one’s voice among the powerful elite of advocates, lobbyists, policymakers, foundations, and others may seem like a daunting challenge. Yet getting a seat at the table is not the only challenge teachers will face: Working with colleagues, administrators, parents, and policymakers to address complex, divisive issues like teacher performance and struggling schools will be monumentally hard work.

Many teachers are already engaging their colleagues and informing policy, and they’re doing it very well. In working with those who have forged the way on productive engagement, we’ve witnessed and encountered many of the challenges that arise after gaining entry into the conversation. Anticipating such challenges, and knowing some practices for overcoming them, can facilitate better engagement that results in policies that truly benefit teaching and learning.

First, it’s critical to ensure that the perspectives of all teachers are included. The push to include teachers in policy design and implementation is not new. Teachers’ unions historically have served as (sometimes the only) mouthpiece for teachers in policy. In the past five years, a number of grassroots teacher-voice organizations have sprouted, including Educators 4 Excellence, Teach Plus, and VIVA Teachers. The new Badass Teachers Association casts the net even wider.

Yet for all the talk of “teacher voice,” we must bear in mind that teachers in fact have many different voices, perspectives, and concerns—and these all deserve a place at the table. As the Center for American Progress put it in a report released in June: “Teacher voice is not monolithic.”

Many teachers can probably already think of a few colleagues in their school or district who are ready to jump at the chance to discuss topics like teacher evaluation and common-core implementation. Yet the best, most sustainable policy is designed when all perspectives are included.

Last month at a meeting of state teachers of the year, Philip Bigler, the 1998 national teacher of the year, said: “When I was a regular classroom teacher, nobody wanted my opinion. ... Once I became the national teacher of the year, everyone wanted to speak to me and assumed I was an expert on everything. But even when I was a regular classroom teacher, I still had a lot to say.”

Teacher-leaders and advocates offer huge benefits to the field, but we must be mindful to include the “regular classroom teacher” in the conversation as well.

To achieve diverse, inclusive teacher participation in policy development and implementation, teachers will need to reach out to those among their colleagues who may not have had a stake in the policy debate before and to those who hold opinions different from their own.

Teachers and others must also navigate tough, emotional conversations. Issues like teacher evaluation and preparation, performance-based compensation, instruction, and classroom management are often deeply personal, emotionally fraught, politically heated, and, in some respects, mind-bogglingly complex. Leading conversations around them is a challenging role to embrace, and even participating in them may seem like a bad idea. What’s to prevent the discussion from stagnating into exhausting complaints or unraveling into cynical arguments?

One step to generating productive conversation is first providing space for an honest and frank exchange of views. Some venting can be helpful, though it’s important not to wallow in complaints and to move on to problem-solving as soon as possible. Identify which differences of opinion will weigh significantly when choosing a path forward, mark them to revisit at a later point, then refocus the conversation on solutions and move on.

Using a skilled, trained, and fair-minded moderator can also keep conversation productive and focused. An effective moderator does not allow his or her opinion to interrupt the flow of the conversation and is comfortable with an open dialogue without a predetermined conclusion. Participants should also be confident in their moderator’s lack of bias. Identifying and supporting effective moderators may take some time investment, but participants will in all likelihood end up having a much more productive conversation.

To move forward, all players will need to establish common ground and determine acceptable compromises. Even when a conversation stays on track and is solutions-focused, how can participants identify common ground? How can they navigate those issues which are—and will in all likelihood remain—in contention? How do they actually pinpoint the solutions that seem workable to everyone and the ones that will most likely end up on the cutting-room floor?

One concrete approach that we’ve seen transform endless debate into robust dialogue and solutions is Choicework, a methodology developed by Public Agenda and the Kettering Foundation and based on theory and research from the social scientist Daniel Yankelovich.

The premise of Choicework is basic: When people are presented with three or four concrete, real-world approaches to a problem, they have an easier time grounding the discussion as they explore the pros and cons of different paths forward. In using such an approach, a few things commonly happen among discussion participants:

  • They come to accept that there are no easy answers. Tough problems will require considerable thought and possibly a measure of compromise.
  • They begin to empathize with those who hold opposite views. Even if they will never embrace those views themselves, they understand why opponents think the way they do.
  • They realize their own preferred approaches often have trade-offs they may not have acknowledged before.
  • They overcome denial and wishful thinking and gain a clear sense of what’s worth compromising on and what isn’t.

A face-to-face dialogue moderated by a neutral facilitator is usually best, but the key discussion principles can be used in a variety of situations. Generally, in approaching and designing a discussion, it’s beneficial to focus on helping participants grasp the concrete possible approaches and generating empathy and understanding through dialogue. Such an approach is more likely to yield workable solutions and to reach resolution more quickly than alternative avenues.

the role of political science in civic education

James Ceasar has published an interesting and provocative essay through the American Enterprise Institute entitled “The role of political science and political scientists in civic education.” I disagree with part of it–and with that aspect of Ceasar’s overall thought. He rests a great deal on the idea of a regime (roughly per Montesquieu). The United States is said to have had one regime or deep structure since the founding era, regardless of subsequent changes in policies. The goal of civic education should be to maintain this regime and transmit its values. Political education, on the other hand, aims to transform the regime. Today, “progressivism, multiculturalism, and cosmopolitanism” are “hostile” to the regime and seek to change it.

I think the American regime has changed profoundly several times and has always been a field of debate about its purpose and values. I see progressivism, multiculturalism, and cosmopolitanism as just examples of the usual hurly-burly of public debate in the American republic, not threats to it. Today, purist liberatarianism seems to me the most radical challenge to mainstream civic education. I note that Ceasar offers no  examples of progressivism, multiculturalism, and cosmopolitanism, and I suspect that he would find the actual proponents to be more complex, more varied, and generally less radical than he wants to portray them. Could, for example, a cosmopolitan like Martha Nussbaum or a multiculturalist progressive like Meira Levinson really be described as hostile to the regime?

That said, I cite the paper because I am wholly in agreement that political science ought to be supportive of civic education, and it is not. Ceasar notes:

The current official definition of political science from the American Political Science Association deliberately casts a wide net while avoiding giving undue offense (or providing any focus): ‘Political science is the study of governments, public policies and political processes, systems, and political behavior.’ … Civic education no longer occupies the central place that it did under the Aristotelian conception. The subject is of relatively minor interest in political science today, even allowing for a recovery of some its questions and concerns within the modern subfield known as ‘political socialization.’

Political science aims to be an empirical investigation into institutions and mass behavior, not an inquiry into what citizens should do. Investigating what citizens should do would require a combination of empirical evidence about how the world works, normative theory about how things ought to be, and strategic guidance about how to improve it (given the resources one has). Ceasar emphasizes the study of regimes, describing that as normative as well as empirical. I would agree, except that I am interested in investigating all scales of human action, of which the regime is only one. (Here I draw on the idea of “polycentrism,” developed by Vincent and Elinor Ostrom.)

In any case, I’ll be leading a discussion about the role of political science in civic education at the APSA:

August 29, 2013 @ 8:00 AM
Hilton Chicago

1. Theme Panel: “Power and Persuasion from Below: Civic Renewal, Youth Engagement, and the Case for Civic Studies,” Aug 30, 2013, 4:15 PM-6:00 PM
Chair: Peter Levine, Tufts University. Participants: Paul Dragos Aligica, George Mason University; Carmen Sirianni, Brandeis University; Karol E. Soltan, University of Maryland; Filippo A. Sabetti McGill University; and Meira Levinson, Harvard University

 

The post the role of political science in civic education appeared first on Peter Levine.

The Participatory Turn: Participatory Budgeting Comes to America

 

So here it is, finally, the much awaited PhD by Hollie Russon-Gilman (Ash Center – Harvard) on Participatory Budgeting in the United States.

Below is the abstract.

Participatory Budgeting (PB) has expanded to over 1,500 municipalities worldwide since
its inception in Porto Alege, Brazil in 1989 by the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores
(Workers’ Party). While PB has been adopted throughout the world, it has yet to take
hold in the United States. This dissertation examines the introduction of PB to the United
States with the first project in Chicago in 2009, and proceeds with an in-depth case study
of the largest implementation of PB in the United States: Participatory Budgeting in New
York City. I assess the outputs of PB in the United States including deliberations,
governance, and participation.
I argue that PB produces better outcomes than the status quo budget process in New York
City, while also transforming how those who participate understand themselves as
citizens, constituents, Council members, civil society leaders and community
stakeholders. However, there are serious challenges to participation, including high costs
of engagement, process exhaustion, and perils of scalability. I devise a framework for
assessment called “citizenly politics,” focusing on: 1) designing participation 2)
deliberation 3) participation and 4) potential for institutionalization. I argue that while the
material results PB produces are relatively modest, including more innovative projects,
PB delivers more substantial non-material or existential results. Existential citizenly
rewards include: greater civic knowledge, strengthened relationships with elected
officials, and greater community inclusion. Overall, PB provides a viable and
informative democratic innovation for strengthening civic engagement within the United
States that can be streamlined and adopted to scale.

You can read the full dissertation here [PDF].

Like it?  You might also want to read this about who participates in NYC’s PB and this about the effects of PB on infant mortality in Brazil.


‘Democracy and Leadership: On Pragmatism and Virtue,’ set for release in Dec 2013

For more info, visitEricThomasWeber.org and connect on TwitterLinkedIn, and Academia.edu

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Democracy and Leadership: On Pragmatism and Virtue 

to be released in December of 2013


Thumbnail photo of Ashley Cecil's "Politician on a Podium," visit www.AshleyCecil.com.
By Ashley Cecil (www.AshleyCecil.com)
Democracy and Leadership is the product of five years of research. When I moved to the University of Mississippi in 2007 to teach in the department of Public Policy Leadership, I had only studied leadership tangentially in connection with ethics and political philosophy applied to public policy. My second book, Morality, Leadership, and Public Policy (Continuum 2011) touched on leadership in the arena of public policy, but focused uniquely on how to think about its moral dimensions in the face of competing moral outlooks. In that work, I defended the theory called experimentalism. While working on that book, I encountered some strange articles in the field of leadership studies, which asked whether it makes any sense to speak of democratic leadership. One article suggested that it might be a contradiction in terms.

When I looked to theories of leadership, very little work addressed basic philosophical questions about how to understand the concept. We all know and have heard about some great leaders, like Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and so much scholarship on the subject of leadership tends to start there — with great leaders. Doing so, however, does little for an understanding of leadership in general. Instead, it offers insight about a great leader, or about some special leaders of note. Famous leaders might teach us all lessons about leadership, to be sure, but they might also bear characteristics that do not make sense to apply to others. Consider by analogy the idea that a small liberal arts or community college might try to do as Harvard University does. In a few matters, it may be a good idea to mimic Harvard's practices. In countless other contexts, however, it makes no sense to imitate a university that is very different and remarkably unique. 

When I reviewed the literature on leadership, I was astonished at the lack of contemporary philosophical study of the concept. To say that there are a handful of philosophers studying leadership would almost be an exaggeration. At first I could not make sense of this. When you look to the tradition of philosophy, there are rich resources for thinking about leadership. Among the most influential and oldest is Plato's Republic. The Republic considers what kind of society is virtuous and what kind of social system Plato thought would be necessary for it, including a special leadership class of rulers. Returning to Plato for initial considerations about leadership, I stumbled on one possible reason why philosophers have avoided the study of leadership, for the most part. Plato thought that democracy is the absence of rulers. According to Plato's view, democracy lacks leadership.

Today, people proclaim democratic values and also the need for leadership. Therefore the public at least thinks that the ideas are consistent. They could be wrong, one might argue, but I think that they are not. The aim of Democracy and Leadership is to look to Plato for insights on leadership, while disagreeing with him about his views on democracy. The classic virtues of wisdom, courage, moderation, and justice need not be authoritarian in the way that he takes them. Instead, I draw from John Dewey's democratic theory to show how these virtues can be rendered democratic. In this way, I advance a general and then a particularly democratic theory of leadership rooted in these four classical virtues. Perhaps the most important change I make from Plato's outlook, however, is the abandonment of the idea that leadership refers to a special class of persons. That view is a lingering authoritarian assumption and value which infuses and plagues leadership theory today. People speak of democratic values in theories like "servant leadership" or "catalytic leadership," but the radical change I advance demands that we think of leadership as a process, not as a person. 

When we abandon the class outlook on leadership in favor of a process and virtue centered model, and then frame the latter with democratic values, a theory of democratic leadership emerges which offers valuable insights for the public sphere. I am very happy to say that the beloved former Mississippi governor William Winter believes that the democratic theory of leadership developed in this book has a lot to offer for addressing today's challenges.* 

If you are interested in learning more about Democracy and Leadership, such as in reading reviews from scholars and former Mississippi governor William Winter, visit the Rowman and Littlefield site for the book. The book will be released in hardback in December of 2013. The initial target market is academic libraries and scholars who might review the book, though a discount code will be available for individuals soon. Contact me (etweber@olemiss.edu) if you are interested in that.

The painting hereabove, "Politician on a Podium," is used courtesy of Ashley Cecil. Visit www.AshleyCecil.com. You can also see a larger version of the painting here.

The Rowman and Littlefield page for the book: 


* The William Winter Institute for Racial Reconciliation at the University of Mississippi is named in his honor and funded by the Kellogg Foundation. In addition, their Director, Dr. Susan Glisson, whom I'm honored to have as a colleague, was recently named one of the "new Civil Rights heroes."


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Again, for more info, visitEricThomasWeber.org and connect on TwitterLinkedIn, and Academia.edu