A Look Inside an NDN Conversation

Our friends at the Interactivity Foundation recently published reflections from Dennis Boyer on his experience convening a conversation on poverty as part of the National Dialogue Network - one of the winners of the 2012 NCDD Catalyst Awards. We thought it was a great look inside the NDN process and wanted to share it with you. You can read the full article below or find the original on the IF blog by clicking here.

NDN logo

The National Dialogue Network (NDN) spent over a year planning and organizing the initial phases of a national dialogue on a topic of public concern, relying on practitioners within the public participatory sphere to assist and comment. Cooperating practitioners assisted in selecting and framing the concern of the first NDN dialogue project: poverty.

I first heard of the effort at the National Coalition for Dialogue and Deliberation(NCDD) conference in Seattle, Washington in the Fall of 2012. It was my intent from the outset to personally facilitate a small group discussion for the project. I had advocated for a national discussion of either climate impacts or the role of money in political campaigns, but was satisfied that the chosen concern of poverty would provide a useful experiential basis for national dialogue.

By late Summer of 2013 the NDN was actively soliciting practitioner participation in facilitating “Phase 3” of the project: local discussion of the materials developed on questions surrounding poverty and wealth. I facilitated one such discussion in Iowa County, Wisconsin, a rural area about an hour’s drive west of Madison. Three of my participants had prior experience in public discussions sponsored by the Interactivity Foundation (IF) and one of those had participated previously in public discussion of material produced by Kettering Foundation/National Issues Forum (KF/NIF).

The NDN discussion materials are very different than IF discussion reports or KF/NIF discussion guides. IF reports usually pose six to eight contrasting conceptual policy possibilities and KF/NIF guides usually focus on three somewhat more developed policy approaches that often reflect some alternatives and some middle ground. When asked how to outline how IF’s approach differs from KF/NIF, I usually explain IF’s possibilities as discussion starters close to the origin point of the deliberative continuum, with KF/NIF materials representing more concrete ideas somewhat further out that continuum. NDN materials, on the other hand, may represent a location even closer to the deliberative origin point, calling upon discussants to explore some very basic thinking that shapes public impressions of the topic of concern.

I retain a spirit of openness toward the usefulness of all three approaches in their respective roles and harbor a belief that robust democratic governance discussion might harness all three in turn—and follow with approaches further out the continuum.

NDN poverty materials encourage some very basic personal introspection and group interaction that more developed policy materials might not. It is often the case that public conversation neglects the feelings and values that go into our impressions of a policy concern. Many deliberative practitioners seek to restore civility to public conversation, but in doing so may make participants more circumspect. NDN materials represent a move away from detachment and passionless pondering.

In that sense they reminded me of IF President Dr. Jack Byrd’s developmental materials on “Fairness” and “Freedom and Responsibility”. My own facilitative experience with Dr. Byrd’s materials have allowed me to see how participant exploration of the personal and experiential side of basic ideas that underlie social and political relationships opens many participants up to deeper understanding of their own positions, the positions of others, and the opportunities for common ground. My NDN discussion experience also exhibited these positive benefits.

The Iowa County NDN discussion group was not very representative of national demographics. We were very white (with one American Indian participant), somewhat older, more likely to be married (all were), and somewhat more clustered in lower-middle income brackets. By the same token, there were some indicators of diversity: a good mix of partisans and independents, backgrounds in different faith communities and secular outlooks, and broad life experiences (foreign travel, volunteer service, etc). Half claimed to have experienced economic deprivation at some point in their lives. All had family members or friends who had resorted to food stamps or public assistance at some point.

NDN materials definitely helped these participants tap their empathetic reserves concerning poverty. In the course of the discussion there was increased recognition of how hard it is for those who have not experienced poverty to understand how debilitating it can be. At the same time they were also made more aware of just how different rural poverty is from urban poverty. Until fairly recently the civil society side of dealing with rural poverty had been relatively strong, with extended families, churches, and fraternal groups playing major roles. Many stories were told about personally benefitting from these informal, non-governmental networks. And there was much speculation about what had made rural poverty harsher over the years: industrialization of agriculture, decline of subsistence living skills, declining population and out-migration, and disappearance of manufacturing jobs in nearby urban areas.

One major discussion thread that occurred independent of the materials was the extent to which informal mechanisms to deal with poverty are still workable. Some thought that certain aspects of the subsistence economy could be revived in rural areas. Others thought the complexity and skill needs of an information economy made it very difficult for the rural poor to overcome their disadvantages.

The arguments over these cleavages were not, of course, resolved. But through the exploration of values, experiences, and goals there was a sense that we as a society could do a better job in dealing with poverty. Where I saw the common ground emerge was around the notion of “good outcomes” that most, if not all, participants could share. This seemed to represent a pulling back from political positions and a refocus on a widely held vision of “what could be.”

Workshop Reports Made Easier

We found a great post from Gillian M. Mehers’s blog “You Learn Something New Every Day” via her Twitter handle that we knew would be a great help for many of our NCDD members who are facilitators. We encourage you to learn more about her workshop report method below or find the original post here.

As Facilitators sometimes we get asked to prepare reports from our workshops. Normally we at Bright Green Learning encourage the teams to do this, as report preparation is an excellent learning opportunity and helps the team to process the results of the workshop in a more in-depth way. (See our blog posts: Don’t Outsource It: Learning from Reporting and More Learning from Reporting: Using Reporting for Teambuilding)

And it is true that when you use very interactive workshop methodologies, the meeting room after your workshop can look like this:
Penultimate Blog room
With walls covered with flipcharts, cards and post-its people usually say “what can I do with all this?”

Typing them up is the first thought, and that can take a very long time and often be challenging to organize (this of course is also part of the learning process from the workshop – identifying what is useful input and important for the next steps in the project or process and what is not.) In my experience, you will rarely get a volunteer willing to do this! I also find that typed flipcharts, when they come back to you in Word format, can lose a lot of the context, feeling and creativity that went into the workshop brainstorming and discussions that produced them.

Another option is a Photo Report, and this has been done for a while. I remember when we took photos with our digital cameras, then downloaded them off the data card, pasted them into PPT and then inserted the photo slides into Word documents, fighting formatting and creating mega-heavy documents that in the end we had to distribute by USB stick as they wouldn’t pass as attachments. (I will fully admit that even then this was probably not the most effective way to do this). Things have gotten a easier with smart phone and compressed files etc.

However, EVEN easier now is the winning combination of an iPad, writing stylus and a nifty app called Penultimate.

Ipad and stylus
Penultimate was recently acquired by Evernote, which I also love, although even before this partnership I was a Penultimate fan.

To use Penultimate for a quick and easy Photo report, you just need to start a new Notebook in the app:

Start a new Penultimate Notebook

Once you are in, you can take photos of your flipcharts, your cards work, your exercises using the photo icon on the page of your notebook.
Penultimate photo iconOnce you have the photo there on your page, you can resize it, change direction, copy it to multiple pages, and best yet, you can write on or around it (as above!)

I use my notebook to create a living memory of my workshops, from both the content point of view, and the process. For example…

I capture notes and maybe an important slide from a presentation that I want to remember:
Penultimate screen with writingI capture a workshop exercise in action with some of the highlights of the discussion (and you can write more neatly than I did here!):

Penultimate REnatus

I record the results of a card activity theme by theme:
Penultimate cardsI can remember how I set the exercise up and how it ran:
Penultimate ExerciseAnd more!

The number of functions is pretty rich for the purpose of creating a Photo Report from a workshop.

As you can see you can select from a range of 10 pen colours (including white and yellow for writing on dark photos as on some of the photos above). There is also a selection of three line thicknesses, so you can make titles stand out or put emphasis on particular words or images. If you make a mistake you can undo it, or change your mind and re-do it. If you like lined paper, plain paper or graph paper, you can change it at any time.
Pen iconsAs you can see, I use the photo function most heavily. Once I take the photo I always change the size of the photo, move it around, and sometimes put multiple photos on a page (see an example of this in the photos above). If you really need to read the text however, then 1 per page, expanded will work best.

You don’t even have to worry about taking your photos in order. I walk around and snap images of key flipcharts or processes with my iPad  when I have a free moment during my workshop, and then I reorder them afterwards with the drag and drop feature – which is very much like you would use to change slide order in PowerPoint in the slide sorter view.  If you forget your iPad, you can also use your iPhone for the photos, but then you have to upload them to your iPad photo archive by email afterwards and then insert them one by one into your Penultimate Photo Report. It takes more steps, thus more time, but is relatively straight forward – it also means that other people can send you photos to incorporate.

Once you are happy with your Photo report, you can send it as a pdf by email (if it is not too too big – it can actually quickly get too big for this in my experience), or you can open it in Dropbox and then share the folder, other options include Skitch (also an Evernote product) and Day One (a journaling app). Because I am also an Evernote user, I have it sync to Evernote and then I can just share the URL for that Evernote file by email with my workshop participants. This step will take some fiddling around. I open it in Evernote on my iPad, then open Evernote on my ipad where I then see my Photo Report. Then I sync my computer Evernote until I see it there too. At the end of all this it is easy to use the “Share” button to get a URL that you can paste into an email. It sounds more complicated then it is!

Overall, if you are pretty quick with your photos, and then any notes you want to make on them, you can do it all in about 15 minutes –  an immediate and super quick memory of a workshop. If you want to make it very pretty and take it on like a scrapbooking exercise, then of course it can take longer, but it feels creative and fun! Gone are the hours and hours of typing up flipcharts into massive, boring Word document Workshop Reports – of course, you could still let someone else do that after you send your Penultimate report. They will thank you for making it more manageable than struggling with a huge roll of unruly flipchart sheets and a teetering stack of facilitation cards!

Job Opening at the Democracy Fund

We saw a job posting at the D.C.-based Democracy Fund that sounds perfect for many of our NCDD members, so we wanted to make sure to share it with all of you. You can read the posting below or find the original announcement by clicking here

DemocracyFund-logoThe Democracy Fund is seeking to hire a Network and Communications Associate to advance our mission of creating a stronger, healthier political system in the United States. 

POSITION SUMMARY: The Network and Communications Associate will be responsible for coordinating communications about the Democracy Fund to external audiences, as well as developing relationships with and fostering collaboration among the Democracy Fund’s network of grantees, peer funders, advisors, and other leaders in the field. The Associate will be an integral part of the small Democracy Fund team – developing and implementing the initiative’s overall strategy. The Associate will report to the Director of the Democracy Fund. Specific responsibilities include, but are not limited to:

  • Work with the Democracy Fund team to develop and implement the initiative’s branding and communications strategy
  • Work with the Democracy Fund team to produce articles, case studies, and reports about what the Democracy Fund is learning and the impact that it is having
  • Work with grantees to highlight and promote their accomplishments through social media and other available communications channels.
  • Write and edit regular blog posts and other web content. Manage the Democracy Fund’s social media presence.
  • Work with Democracy Fund grantees to encourage communication and collaboration by convening of quarterly meetings, organizing conference calls on topics of special interest, moderating a Google Group, managing a mini-grant program aimed at encouraging collaboration among grantees, and other activities as needed.
  • Work with the Democracy Fund team to cultivate communication and collaboration among peer funders in the democracy reform field, including convening events and conference calls on issues of strategic importance and other related activities as needed.
  • Organize an annual strategy retreat of Democracy Fund grantees, peer funders, and advisors, as well as semi-annual strategy sessions with advisors.
  • Serve as the liaison between the Democracy Fund and its public relations consultants, as well as the communications staff of other Omidyar Group organizations and initiatives.
  • Manage the Democracy Fund’s internship program, recruiting interns and coordinating their activities to support general activities for the organization.

EDUCATION, EXPERIENCE, AND SKILL REQUIREMENTS:

  • Deep passion for strengthening American democracy
  • Excellent written and oral communication skills required
  • At least 3-5 years of experience in communications, coalition building, organizing, policy analysis, advocacy, or public affairs
  • Strong strategic mind set and proven ability to translate strategy into action
  • Success in developing and maintaining institutional, political, and personal relationships
  • Extensive experience with social media
  • Ability to travel periodically for project work
  • Demonstrated experience handling multiple assignments simultaneously
  • Flexibility and initiative to work both independently and as part of a team
  • Familiarity with the field of democracy and political reform, as well as the organizations and leaders involved in the field, is preferred
  • BA required

BACKGROUND

The Democracy Fund aspires to the highest ideals of American democracy – government of, by, and for the people. We invest in organizations working to ensure that our political system is responsive to the priorities of the American public and has the capacity to meet the greatest challenges facing our country. At the heart of our vision for the future are three core commitments to a strong, healthy political system.

  • First, the American people must have the ability to make informed choices as they engage in the civic life of their nation.
  • Second, the American people must have confidence that their voices are the primary influence shaping the outcomes of policy and political debates.
  • Third, the American people need to know that their government has the ability to solve important problems and govern effectively.

The Democracy Fund was created in 2011 by eBay Founder Pierre Omidyar. It is a project of Omidyar Network, a philanthropic investment firm dedicated to creating opportunity for people to improve their lives by helping to scale innovative organizations to catalyze economic and social change. The Democracy Fund is based in Washington, DC. More information about the Democracy Fund may be found at www.democracyfund.org.

COMPENSATION

Salary commensurate with qualifications and experience. Excellent benefits package.

APPLICATION INSTRUCTIONS

Please email a cover letter and resume to info@democracyfund.org.

The Democracy Fund is an equal opportunity employer and welcomes a diverse pool of candidates in this search.

Restorative Justice & Democratic Process in Baltimore

We recently read a great article in the Boston Review that we had to share with the NCDD community. The piece is actually part of a larger series we’ve been following called “Trench Democracy: Participatory Innovation in Unlikely Places” by Dr. Albert Dzur, and features an innovative approach to community conflict that is being lead by Laura Abramson:

Lauren Abramson is the founder of the Community Conferencing Center in Baltimore, an organization that aims to divert people from the criminal justice system before they enter it by providing “a highly participatory community-based process for people to transform their conflicts into cooperation, take collective and personal responsibility for action, and improve their quality of life.” Lauren’s center has helped thousands of people address problems in their communities before they become formally designated as crimes to be handled by the justice system. We talked recently about how communities can handle tensions on their own and what kinds of democratic practices have evolved to facilitate this.

The article continues with a fascinating interview between Albert Dzur and Lauren Abramson in which they explore the process the CCC uses, the relationship between community participation, restorative justice, and criminal justice, as well as other key insights. But first, it begins with a story about how a football league transformed a tense and hostile Baltimore neighborhood dynamic.

We highly recommend that you read the full article and interview below, or find the original post on the Boston Review by clicking here.


The Football League

All was not well on Streeper Street in Southeast Baltimore. Kids played football in the road late into the night, bumping into cars, setting off alarms, even breaking mirrors and windows. Why couldn’t they play in the park just two blocks away? Were they selling drugs in the street rather than just playing football? Tensions between adult residents and the players escalated into arguments, hundreds of calls to the police, and petty retaliations such as putting sugar in gas tanks. Finally, when police interventions didn’t succeed and the conflict threatened to get more serious than minor property damage, a neighborhood organization contacted the Community Conferencing Center to arrange a meeting with those affected.

One of the Center’s facilitators, Misty, canvassed the neighborhood for three weeks, going door-to-door inviting everyone to participate in a conference where they could articulate concerns and contribute to a desirable and workable solution. Remaining neutral, she encouraged attendance by showing them a list of those who had already agreed to participate. In all, forty-four people attended, with a mix of adults and youth.

The conference began with angry comments. Parents defended their children against what they felt was unfair treatment by neighbors. In turn, the adult residents expressed their frustration over the late night noise created by the football games: was this really the best place to play football at night? The children explained that the park two blocks away that the adults thought was much safer than the street was actually fouled by dog waste at one end and inhabited by drug dealers and older bullies at the other—problems that the adults had not heard before. From that point on, the neighbors started brainstorming possible solutions. They shifted focus from what to do about a bunch of noisy young people to how to find a safe place for the neighborhood children to play. Misty asked people how they might put their solutions into practice and in less than half an hour the group had come to an agreement on a list of actions, such as adults volunteering to chaperone kids in the park and kids helping clean up the neighborhood.

The next day, in fact, Don Ferges chaperoned twenty-two kids in the park. By the end of three weeks, the number had grown to sixty-four, and by the end of the summer there was a thriving football league. What started out as a public nuisance warranting police action developed into neighborhood-wide recognition of common interests and action to improve the shared space. The residents had the power to make these changes, but it took a well-structured conference to deliberate and act together.

Albert Dzur: On your website and elsewhere you talk about providing a highly participatory community-based process. Can you say a little bit more about how the community is involved in your work?

Lauren Abramson: We define “community” as the community of people who have been affected by and involved in the conflict or the crime. Everybody who’s involved in or affected by the situation, and their respective supporters, is included. We make the circle as wide as possible. Thus, conferences usually include between ten and forty people. The Streeper Street neighborhood conflict had been going on for two years and forty-four people attended. Conferences are always about engaging the entire community of people affected by whatever’s going on and giving them the power to try to fix it.

AD: When forty-four people gather together do you have certain expectations for participation?

LA: Well, transparency is a principle behind what we do. People always know what they are coming into. And they know, first of all, that this is a meeting for people who are interested in trying to make the situation better. So if they’re not really interested in trying to make the situation better, then the conference is probably not the place for them.

AD: Do you have any people exit at that point?

LA: Not often. People know that when they come, they’re going to sit in a circle with no table and talk about three things. First, they’ll hear what has been going on—what’s happened—and hear it from the people directly involved. Second, everybody in the circle will have a chance to say how they were affected. Third, once everyone has spoken and had a chance to listen, then the group will talk about what can be done to repair the harm and prevent this from happening again.

AD: When you say, “after everyone has spoken,” do you mean the people who are primary to a given conflict or everybody in the room?

LAEverybody in the circle has an equal chance to participate.

AD: And so you brought up the case of forty-four people. All forty-four are in the circle?

LA: Yes.

AD: So if they come into that room they need to be prepared to say something.

LA: They know that they are going to have the opportunity to speak if they wish to.

AD: Have you been in a group where somebody keeps their arms crossed and doesn’t say anything?

LA: The emotional piece of the conference is important. And a lot of times people come so angry and disgusted and terrified that they will sit with their arms crossed and with their backs turned and all sorts of things. Throughout the Community Conference, though, there are many opportunities to speak and to listen. If they don’t want to speak in the initial discussion, when the group starts to come up with an agreement and we still see somebody whose arms are crossed, we’ll say, “Before we fill this out, is there anything else anyone would like to say?” Or we would say to that person, “Is there something you’d like to see happen that would help you feel better about this?” So at a number of points during the conversation, the facilitator gives everybody an opportunity, but we don’t make anybody do anything.

AD: This seems to be as much emotional work as cognitive work. Dialogue is important in restorative justice but reading through your descriptions of the conferences I wonder if something even more basic is involved—namely, proximity: just getting people who wouldn’t normally sit next to each other to do that.

LA: I think that’s a big part of it. That’s the difference between what we do and, say, study circles. Study circles typically engage people in dialogue but participants tend to have similar value systems already. And what I love about this work is that you do get people together who normally would not be sitting in the same room with each other, let alone talking with each other.

AD: And that’s the price of admission to the conference: you’ve got to come into the room and sit next to people you may not like. Have you seen changes in disposition because people come together?

LA: Many times. Hundreds and hundreds of times. Not just because they come together, though. In schools, principals try to have what they call a conference or a meeting and bring together kids and parents and it blows up into a huge melee. We know so many principals who will not bring together families anymore. So I don’t think proximity is the only factor. A well-designed structure is also crucial for good communication.

Conferencing is elegant. There are three questions that the group’s going to talk about. And they can talk in whatever way they want. We don’t go in saying, “You can’t make racist comments,” because if you do that then the person who is racist is never going to get a chance to change. We let the group decide. So once something offensive comes up, the facilitator will say to the participants, there is a request to not say these kinds of things, is this something everyone can agree to?” It lets people be who they are and then lets that group decide for itself the norms for their behavior from this time forward.

Imagine justice that builds a sense of community.

AD: Why do you think it is important for people other than criminal justice professionals to be involved in resolving these issues?

LA: In a participatory democracy it is important for people to make decisions for themselves. And I’m not talking about a representative democracy, either.

It’s like in the seventies when medical researchers made a breakthrough in managing postsurgical pain. They realized that if they gave people this little clicker that let them administer their own morphine, people used less morphine and got more pain relief. Patients knew best what they needed; emotionally and psychologically having control over pain relief was huge.

AD: I love that example from the Streeper Street neighborhood conference. You have said that if you told Don Ferges, “Hey, why don’t you start a football league,” he probably wouldn’t do it!

LA: He would have said, “Get the heck out of here!” Every action has an equal and opposite reaction; people typically don’t like being told what to do, and will react against it. So we’re being inclusive and encouraging collective decision. What we see over and over and over again is that communities get much more creative and lasting solutions when they decide for themselves how to resolve these situations.

AD: This theme of recognizing that people are capable of resolving their own conflicts is really interesting. But in some ways, these are neighborhoods where they are not capable of resolving their own conflicts without the Community Conferencing Center.

LA: That is not quite right. It’s not just about these neighborhoods. It’s not about where you live, how much money you make, what color your skin is. I mean, think about it, we don’t resolve conflicts very well in our workplaces either.

AD: But that’s my point. We don’t have participatory social control. We turn an awful lot of problems over to the criminal justice system.

LA: Well, conferencing recognizes that we all have a larger capacity to resolve complicated conflicts and crimes than we are allowed to. But people also need to have an appropriate structure to do it. I think it was Winston Churchill who said, “We’re shaped by the institutions that govern us.” So if our institutions are top-down—if we need a judge in a black robe telling people how they should be punished—then we’re going to get one set of outcomes. But if we engage people with this alternative structure—in a circle where they acknowledge what happened, share how they’ve been affected, and then decide how to make it better—then we will get a whole different set of outcomes. This could happen in a workplace or in any number of places in our society where we don’t manage conflicts well.

Because urban areas with high concentrations of poverty have more violence than other communities, many assume that the people who live in them are different. And that is not true. We need to look at what structures we offer people in our society to resolve conflict and crime, because they determine the outcomes. The fact that people in highly distressed neighborhoods can negotiate solutions within the structure provided by Community Conferencing only emphasizes the fact that we are all capable of safely and effectively resolving many of our own conflicts. Maybe we could really prove this point if we could get the U.S. Congress to sit in circle and address some of their conflicts!

AD: You’ve been doing this since 1998. Do you feel that in that time the communities you’ve been active in have come to own the process more?

LA: It’s varied. Some neighborhoods have used the conferences consistently. Sometimes people move and attendance drops off. You know. I would say that the Streeper Street neighborhood was significantly changed. Many schools have embraced this, too, and they have significantly changed. But one thing I’ve learned is that this work does not just implement a new program; it changes our culture, which takes a long time and a lot of exposure.

AD: A nagging question about restorative justice programs in the U.S. is whether and how much they have actually impacted the larger system.

LA: I feel that they have. Restorative justice programs bring about reform from both the bottom up and the top down. In Baltimore, our juvenile courts are diverting felony and misdemeanor cases from their system to Community Conferencing. Could they refer more cases than they do? Absolutely. But for them to take a felony case and say, “We think these people can resolve it better through Community Conferencing than through our system,” that’s a significant change. And every year around 1,400 people in Baltimore participate in a Community Conference.

Has it completely changed our criminal justice system? No. But when judges call us and ask us how they can use Community Conferencing more, I know that we are making progress.

AD: That’s what I’m getting at. Do we incarcerate the largest percentage of our citizens of any country in the world? The answer is “yes.” So if that’s your metric of success, then restorative justice hasn’t done a whole lot.

LA: Well, cultural change doesn’t happen overnight. Kay Pranis, who is a leader in this country on restorative justice, says restorative justice is like groundwater. Most people don’t see groundwater but it nourishes a lot of things. Eventually, it’s going to bust through. So has restorative justice fixed everything? No. Is it incrementally making steps toward a tipping point? I would say, most definitely, yes.

It’s really starting to happen in education. A lot of school systems are talking about restorative practices. But it’s going to take a long time to change our cowboy-puritan culture of individuals to begin to look at things as relationships and accountability instead of punishment.

AD: So we are returning to where we started, the importance of community participation.

LA: In our facilitator training, we explain the four main features of participatory democracy, as my colleague David Moore defined them: Participation—inclusion; Equality—that everyone has an equal voice; Deliberation—that everything that is brought up is discussed and not swept under the rug; Non-tyranny—no one is allowed to dominate the conversation. I don’t know if you would agree with those four key points of participatory democracy.

AD: Those sound pretty good. Restorative justice holds that the public ought to own its conflicts, that we can’t give these problems over to professionals or state actors without a moral remainder left over for which we still need to be accountable. A broad swath of the public has a complacent attitude to the criminal justice system.

LA: Because most people affected and involved in a conflict do not get to participate in a court hearing. It is owned by other people and a whole other set of players who are very expensive.

AD:Community conferencing, as an especially participatory form of restorative justice, does attempt to broaden public responsibility for criminal justice.

LA: I think the more people you involve in the justice process the more potential there is for community building. Imagine justice that builds a sense of community. If only two people are involved, the potential for building community is very limited. That’s why we use the process we do. I love the fact that nobody talks on behalf of anybody else. Inclusion has a ripple effect and we include all the ripples.

Find the original article here: www.bostonreview.net/blog/albert-w-dzur-trench-democracy-criminal-justice-interview-lauren-abramson

Community Leadership Fellowship Program Applications Due Friday

We posted earlier about an exciting fellowship program from the W.F. Kellogg Foundation aimed at developing community leaders into social change agents, and we wanted to share a reminder that the deadline to apply is this Friday. We would love to see a number of NCDD members become fellows, so make sure to turn in your applications soon! You can read more about the program below in the Philanthropy Digest News article we found via our friends at NIFI, or see the original post here.


kellogg logoThe W.K. Kellogg Foundation is accepting applications for the WKKF Community Leadership Fellowship Program. Through the program, the foundation hopes to create a cadre of community and civic leaders who are able to serve as vigorous advocates for vulnerable children and their families and bring diverse communities together.

Over a three-year period, fellows will engage in shared learning experiences designed to help transform them into effective agents of social change. Each fellowship year has a unique theme and intended purpose. The theme of the first year is Building the Beloved Community for Transformative Change, with a focus on the role of the individual in the community. The second year’s theme will be Forging Intentional Networks for Community Impact, with a focus on knowledge and tools for leadership and change. And the theme of the third year will be Energizing the Nation: Moving Forward for Children.

Fellows will receive an annual stipend of $20,000 to cover travel and accommodation expenses related to quarterly cohort meetings, leadership network projects, and as partial salary support.

Ideal candidates are emerging or established leaders who grasp the importance of working and engaging with others to explore solutions and solve conflicts; empathize and connect to others through voice, action or presence; and respond to new opportunities and relationships in the service of social change.

For complete program guidelines and application instructions, including an FAQ and program brochure, visit the WKKF Web site.

Link to Complete RFP

CommunityMatters Conference Call on Funding, Jan. 9

CM_logo-200pxWe are excited to invite NCDD members to join our partners at CommunityMatters for the latest installment of their conference call series called Making It Happen. The next call  will focus on a topic that most of us think about frequently: funding.

The call, titled Funding Community Design and Development Projects, will feature guest speakers Cynthia M. Adams, CEO of GrantStationErin Barnes, Executive Director and Co-Founder of ioby, and Jen Hughes, Design Specialist at the National Endowment for the Arts. The CM team describes it this way:

You’ve got the great ideas and a plan for moving forward, but let’s face it: Your community lacks the cash it needs to make it real. This call will focus on key sources of funding (including federal funding, grants, and crowdsourcing) and resources to help make design and development projects in small towns, rural areas, and neighborhoods happen. We’ll also cover strategies for creating successful funding pitches and positioning your project for funding applications.

This call is scheduled for this Thursday, Jan. 9th from 3 – 4:15pm Eastern Time, so make sure to register ASAP. We also recommend that you check out the accompanying blog post, which you can read below or find the original post by clicking here.

We look forward to seeing you all on the call!


Show Me the Money

If you live in a small town you are used to doing a lot with a little. You figure out how to fix most things with a little elbow grease and duct tape. You bring neighbors together to help each other get through tough times. You’ve even taken on some lighter, quicker, cheaper actions to build community and make visible improvements around town. Sometimes though, you need to raise cold, hard cash to make larger community design and development projects happen.

Where do you start looking for the money? Here’s just the tip of the iceberg:

Government Programs: Several federal agencies have grant programs aimed at helping you take action to improve your community. Some programs, like USDA’s Rural Business Enterprise Grants, are targeted at growing the economy by supporting emerging local businesses. Others target physical improvements like cleaning up brownfield sites or fixing up local roads to make them more pedestrian friendly. And, the Challenge America Fast Track program looks at how to incorporate design and the arts in community work.

The grants.gov online portal is a searchable database of all federal grants. It’s also helpful to talk with your federal and state agency representatives to find out what opportunities may apply to your community effort. Often state agencies have targeted funds to achieve state priorities around community design and development, too.

Private and Community Foundations: You may also find private foundations with missions that are a fit with what you are trying to achieve in your town. National funding search engines, like the Foundation Center, can be helpful in finding a match. Usually, you’ll have the best luck by starting with your local community foundation, which are a portal into state, local or regional level funders. Some provide free access to national grant search engines and other fund matching services as well.

Local Funding: Beyond tapping into foundations, there are ways to find money close to home. Often local institutions, like banks, have an annual giving program they use to support local efforts. Or, if they aren’t giving money away they may have competitive financing options. Many state and national businesses, from grocery chains to utility companies, have local giving programs that can provide modest support for community efforts. Often it just takes a call to these companies – or a visit to their websites – to find out what they fund and how to apply.

Emerging Opportunities: More recently we’ve seen a rise in various crowd funding platforms, like Kickstarter and Kiva, where people can contribute directly to efforts they want to support. Also, local investor groups are taking root in places like Maine and Washington where a smaller group of investors can match up with local businesses and initiatives. We’re also seeing new funding for local artists through community supported arts initiatives like CSArt Colorado. Ever heard of the show Shark Tank? Well, there are even community funding events, like Possoupbilility in Lousville, KY, where people get to make their pitch to interested supporters at community dinner. Possoupbility calls this a “meal-based micro-grant producing community activity”.

Of course, it’s not enough to just find the opportunities. You’ve got to know how to make a great pitch. Many local libraries and community foundations offer resources including educational classes on grant writing. And don’t forget the old adage, “It’s not what you know, it’s who you know.” Make sure to think about any relationships you may have with local foundation board members, government program officers or local institution staff. Conversations with key people can be a gateway into a funding opportunity or lead you to resources you may not have known about before.

Whether you’re an old grant writing pro or completely new to the funding game, our January call is for you. Funding Community Design and Development Projects will feature three fabulous and knowledgeable speakers.

Cynthia Adams, Executive Director of GrantStation, will provide an overview of the funding landscape and strategies and tips for creating successful funding applications. Cindy brings more than 38 years of experience in fundraising and a wealth of knowledge about funding opportunities through foundations and federal sources. (As a heads up Cindy will also be offering a full webinar on Funding Rural America on Thursday, January 30th.)

We’ll also hear from Jen Hughes, Design Specialist at the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA). Jen brings years of experience working with federal programs like the NEA’s Our Town and now the Citizens’ Institute for Rural Design. Jen will highlight a variety of federal funding opportunities and tips for successfully leveraging and applying for federal funds.

We’ll round out the call with Erin Barnes, Co-Founder and Executive Director of ioby (in our back yards). Ioby is an innovative non-profit offering a crowd funding platform. Erin will explain crowd funding and provide some tips for successfully building grassroots campaigns.

Join us January 9 for an informative and lively call where our speakers will quite literally show you where the money is.

Liquid vs. Direct vs. Representative Democracy

Demsoc-LogoWhen we say “democracy”, it can evoke many different meanings and ideas for the average person – even some that contradict each other.  But that is because there are many different ways to imagine and configure democratic infrastructures, all of which have their own pros and cons.

That is why we were intrigued by a short post we found from a great U.K.-based organization called Democracy Society that offered a delineation of three different kinds of democratic process – direct democracy, representative democracy, and “liquid democracy”:

Direct democracy is when every citizen can vote on each issue directly, this allows people an equal voice, independent of whom they are. Direct democracy has a number of drawbacks. Firstly many people don’t have the time or energy to continuously vote on single policy issues, also many people don’t feel informed enough to take the decisions, meaning they may not vote, this means that voting can become a privilege of those with free-time and confidence in their knowledge. The Second problem is that where direct democracy and popular assemblies, can work well in smaller and less complex communities, such as in ancient Athens, modern nation states are incredibly complex.

Representative Democracy has been the answer to the problems of direct democracy. People relinquish their vote to specific individuals through elections who represent them on the national stage. There are many problems with a representative democracy, as we can see here in the UK, those politicians who act as chosen representatives won’t necessarily vote with their constituents on specific [and even more general] issues, they certainly are unlikely to be able to vote with each individual constituent as large scale consensus is near enough impossible. What’s more, politicians can become bogged down in partisan politics, corrupted by power and divided and detached from the people they are representing. Additionally, this can lead to apathy on the part of the electorate.

Liquid Democracy is a combination of both.  In a liquid democracy people can vote on specific issues [direct democracy] as well as delegating their vote to an individual that represents them [representative democracy]. In a liquid democracy, politicians [optional] would also be able to delegate their vote to others, perhaps based on expertise levels. This is an issue by issue choice that individuals can make, so they do not need to vote directly on every issue simply because on one issue they felt they did not want to delegate their vote. Liquid democracy also involves a much richer system of communication and feedback between politicians and citizens, encouraging dialogue and trust. There are a number of possible issues with liquid democracy, a few; being the increased complexity of voting system that would need to be fairly technology reliant; limited engagement from the electorate on specific issues, which might limit any increase in real democracy; and also that it has never been tried on a large scale, so many issues remain unforeseen and unforeseeable.

The  liquid democracy concept, also known as delegative democracy, has been around for a while now in the discourse of democratic theory, but it is still quite a new idea to many citizens. We are all pretty familiar with representative democracy, and direct democracy is fairly straightforward to understand. But I remember that when I initially found the idea fascinating, but didn’t quite get how it worked.

So I thought I would tack on the video below by the talented Jakob Jochmann, which explains liquid democracy quite clearly. Fittingly enough, Jochmann originally made the video for a political science course in democratic theory.

If you have experience working in groups or organizations that use direct or liquid democracy, we would love to hear your about your experiences and reflections on how the processes compare to other kinds of democratic arrangements. We encourage you to share them in the comments section below, or submit your story for the NCDD blog using our Dialogue Storytelling Tool to share not only the story, but the lessons you learned with the whole community.

Find the original Democracy Society post here: www.demsoc.org/2013/12/12/what-is-liquid-democracy

Free Online Youth Engagement Seminar from CIRCLE

circle

We invite NCDD members to start the New Year off by taking the opportunity to contribute to the conversation on youth engagement. The good people at the Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE) are hosting a free 5-week online seminar that will invite young people, youth workers, the broader civic engagement community, and more to help build on their recent report on youth engagement beginning the week of Jan. 13th.

CIRCLE’s announcement describing the seminar says:

Since the release of “All Together Now: Collaboration and Innovation for Youth Engagement,” the report of our Commission on Youth Voting and Civic Knowledge, CIRCLE has spoken with a wide range of stakeholders interested in improving the civic and political engagement opportunities and outcomes for all youth in the United States. To enhance and broaden those discussions, we have developed a FREE, five-week, open online seminar that will extend research and recommendations from the report.

The seminar will start the week of January 13 and is open to individuals and groups interested in strengthening youth engagement. We welcome and encourage young people, parents, educators, policymakers, youth advocates, researchers, and others to join this five-week learning community.

The seminar is designed to allow for multiple levels of participation and will have synchronous and asynchronous elements to accommodate those who need flexibility in their schedule.

Join us in pursuing this important work, and please share with those in your network whom you think would find this learning community of value and interest. The seminar will only be as strong as its participants.

If you are interested in participating in the seminar, you can go ahead and register here or learn more by visiting the community page for the seminar at www.civicyouth.org/tools-for-practice/learning-community. Contact circle@tufts.edu with questions.

We hope to see some of our NCDDers join up!

Participedia Looks Back at 2013

participedia-logoOur friends at the Participedia, the open knowledge community focused on democratic innovation and public engagement, just published a great year-end post reflecting back on six innovative case studies from across the world that were added to the site in the last year.

It has been another great year for Participedia. We hope to become a key resource for scholars, activists, policy makers and citizens who are interested in new democratic practices and institutions. Our team has made big strides towards reaching that goal. This year, 445 new members joined the website and 152 new cases were added to our collection.

As a fitting finish to 2013, we have profiled six cases that were recently added to Participedia. Reflecting Participedia’s diversity and the global span of participatory innovation itself, each of these cases comes from a different country or region of the world, and each employs a different approach to public engagement.

We think the NCDD community can learn a lot from taking a look at the projects Participedia highlights in the post.  They cover a wide range of projects including:

We highly recommend that you take a moment to reflect with Participedia on what lessons we can learn from these 2013 projects and how we can apply them in 2014. You can find the full article by clicking here.

Happy New Year, and happy reading!

Raising Democracy from the (Un)Dead: A Year-End Reflection

GirouxThe end of the year is always a reflective time, and recently, I saw a truly inspiring Bill Moyers interview with cultural critic and scholar Henry A. Giroux, whose insightful critique of the state of democracy and reflections on what is possible for its future remind me why I originally wanted to work in public engagement. Though the book discussed in the interview, Zombie Politics and Culture in the Age of Casino Capitalism, sets up a rather bleak premise, we at NCDD see our own vision and values in Giroux’s analysis of what democracy could be like – if we work for it. The interview is deep and rich with insight, and we highly recommend that you give it a look.

I’ve pulled out a few key insights that Giroux shares below, but you can watch the full (fairly long) interview on that originally aired on Moyers & Company by clicking here or read the full transcript of the interview here.

The Crisis in Democracy

From the beginning of the exchange, Giroux’s belief in the importance of real democracy comes through loud and clear:

Moyers: There’s a great urgency in your recent books and in the essays you’ve been posting online, a fierce urgency, almost as if you are writing with the doomsday clock ticking. What accounts for that?

Giroux: Well, for me democracy is too important to allow it to be undermined in a way in which every vital institution that matters from the political process to the schools to the inequalities that, to the money being put into politics, I mean, all those things that make a democracy viable are in crisis.

And the problem is the crisis… should be accompanied by a crisis of ideas, [the problem is] that the stories that are being told about democracy are really about the swindle of fulfillment. The swindle of fulfillment is what the reigning elite, in all of their diversity, now tell the American people, if not the rest of the world: that democracy is an excess. [Democracy] doesn’t really matter anymore, that we don’t need social provisions, we don’t need the welfare state, that the survival of the fittest is all that matters, that in fact society should mimic those values in ways that suggest a new narrative.

That narrative, Giroux continues, offers us “the most fraudulent definition of what a democracy should be,” and it is encompassed in “a vicious set of assumptions” which include

…the notion that profit making is the essence of democracy, the notion that economics is divorced from ethics, the notion that the only obligation of citizenship is consumerism, the notion that the welfare state is a pathology, that any form of dependency basically is disreputable and needs to be attacked… How do you get a discourse governing the country that seems to suggest that anything public… [even] public engagement, is a pathology?

Many of us have met resistance or been discouraged in this work because of that discourse of “engagement as pathology.” In many venues civic venues and levels of government, we find those who are skeptical of efforts to involve average people in government and decision making and want to leave things up to experts and professionals instead. This skepticism seems to be based on the internalization of many of our officials and institutions of the “vicious set of assumptions” about democracy the Giroux describes. In far too many cases, especially when it comes to finances, we hear arguments that claim government couldn’t possibly solve difficult problems and involve the public at the same time.

Yet we are involved in this line of work because we know that everyday people working together and forming real relationships is the heart of a robust democracy, and we are committed to helping that work and those relationships thrive. But as Giroux’s “zombie” metaphor suggest, the politics we see today are not those that nurture a healthy civic life:

Moyers: My favorite of your many books is this one, “Zombie Politics and Culture in the Age of Casino Capitalism.” Why that metaphor, “zombie” politics?

Giroux: Because it’s a politics that’s informed by the machinery of social and civil death… The zombie metaphor is a way to sort of suggest that democracy is losing its oxygen… It’s losing its spirit. It’s losing its ability to speak to itself in ways that would span the human spirit and the human possibility for justice and equality…

[Zombie politics are] a death machine because, in my estimation, it does everything it can to kill any vestige of a robust democracy. It turns people into zombies, people who basically are so caught up with surviving that they become like the walking dead, you know, they lose their sense of agency…

This lost sense of agency in our politics and civic life is real. We all know people who explain their non-participation in civic life or public decision making processes because they think that nothing will change, that the system is too corrupt, or otherwise have the general feeling that “participating won’t make a difference, so why bother?”  That lost sense of agency – and the lack of visible examples where small groups of average citizens do make a difference – is a big part of what NCDD and our field is working to shift every day as we engage and empower average people.

But it’s more than a lost feeling of agency. There has also been an actual erosion of what we know as democracy in our country.

I think that it is crucial for our field to reflect on and take seriously what Giroux is saying here about what he calls “casino capitalism” – our very economic system – as an active threat to democracy. He warns that this casino capitalism

…doesn’t just believe it can control the economy. It believes that it can govern all of social life. That’s different.

That means it has to have its tentacles into every aspect of everyday life. Everything from the way schools are run to the way prisons are outsourced to the way the financial services are run to the way in which people have access to health care, it’s an all-encompassing, it seems to me, political, cultural, educational apparatus.

And it basically has nothing to do with expanding the meaning and the substance of democracy itself.

[Casino capitalism] believes that social bonds not driven by market values are basically bonds that we should find despicable….we have an economic system that in fact has caused a crisis in democracy. What we haven’t addressed is the underlying consensus that informs that crisis.

In my opinion, Giroux is right: the drive to treat more and more sectors of society as markets that must create ever higher profits has encroached on so many venues of civic and political life that it has pushed the public out of spaces that are essential for real democratic governance. So we are left with a zombie democracy, complete with “people” – that is, corporations – that don’t have souls and can’t feel pain, but can and do hold more sway in our elections and government policy than flesh and blood citizens. And this creates a vicious cycle that feeds the real and perceived loss of civic agency.

Our Opportunity

One of the challenges of overcoming the “machinery of social and civic death” that Giroux lays out is the challenge of finding ways to “develop cultural apparatuses that can offer a new vocabulary for people, where questions of freedom and justice and the problems that we’re facing can be analyzed in ways that reach mass audiences in accessible language.”

In many ways, this challenge lands squarely in our lap as a individuals and as a professional field. The way I see it, a field like ours has unique potential to initiate momentum that can reverse this shift and, in a way, raise politics from the “undead” and keep our democracy from being completely bought out by casino capitalism. But this won’t happen by accident, we have to intentionally decide to shift that momentum.

The work of dialogue, deliberation, and public engagement is about connecting people to each other and their visions for their communities in real ways. Much of it is an outgrowth of the humanistic values and spirit of democracy, what Giroux calls “the human possibility for justice and equality.”

And in the coming year, it seems more important to me than ever that we reflect on how to make questions of justice, freedom, and equality more central in our work.

This may force us to struggle with concepts of neutrality and norms of professionalism that animate parts of our field, as talk of justice, freedom, and equality often naturally tend toward advocacy. But in my opinion, we should be struggling with ourselves about what it means for professionals in roles and work such as ours to also advocate for democracy itself, because if something doesn’t change, we may not have much of a genuine democracy left to work for. Only by continuing to ask ourselves tough questions can we find productive ways of imagining what it might look like for our field to play a role in staving off a zombie apocalypse for our democracy.

These questions, in Giroux’s mind, are posed by the actual state of affairs we are in.

We have to acknowledge the realities that bear down on us, but it seems to me that if we really want to live in a world and be alive with compassion and justice, then we need educated hope. We need a hope that recognizes the problems and doesn’t romanticize them, and also recognizes the need for vision, for social organizations, for strategies. We need institutions that provide the formative culture that give voice to those visions and those ideas.

Giroux adds that what is missing now ”…are those alternative public spheres, those cultural formations – what I call a formative culture – that can bring people together and give those ideas, embody them in both a sense of hope, of vision and the organizations and strategies that would be necessary… to reconstruct a sense of where politics can go.”

I believe that NCDD and the many practitioners, organizations, and indeed the movement that we represent can be thought of as the kind of formative culture that Giroux describes, and that we are capable of building the kind of institutions he calls for – those that can help people work through questions of justice, freedom, and democracy in our society in a way that is accessible, that will give loud voice to visions for a better future, and that can reconstruct a sense of where politics can go.

Though we clearly have a long way to go, I think that we still have reason to keep a firm grasp on this “educated hope” – hope that recognizes challenges and takes them seriously, but that feeds the growth of visions and strategies to create the changes we need.

As we transition into 2014, I invite you to reflect with me on how we can make this work more about developing strategies for confronting and overcoming the real threats to democracy posed by zombie politics and casino capitalism. I also invite you to share in the hope that we can actually do it.

Giroux leaves us with a vision for what is needed for that change: “The real changes are going to come in creating movements that are longstanding, that are organized, that basically take questions of governance and policy seriously and begin to spread out and become international. That is going to have to happen.”

Here’s to making it happen. Happy New Year.