Missed the Tech Tuesday Balancing Act Call? Listen Now!

Earlier this week, NCDD hosted another installment of our Tech Tuesday call series, this time in partnership with IAP2. The call focused on an introduction to Balancing Act, the powerful online budgeting tool that Engaged Public created to help average citizens understand the financial choices that government balancing-act-logoofficial have to make, and we had a great call with over 55 NCDD and IAP2 members participating!

Engaged Public’s president Chris Adams gave an informative presentation about the history, purpose, and current uses of the Balancing Act tool, and he took us on a virtual walk through of the tool in action both from the front end and the back end. It was a wonderful chance to learn more about involving everyday people in public budgeting.

If you missed out on the call, don’t worry, we recorded the presentation and discussion, which you can see and hear by clicking here.

Tech_Tuesday_BadgeThanks again to Chris and his team for presenting, and to IAP2 for co-hosting the call with us!

To learn more about NCDD’s Tech Tuesday series and hear recordings of past calls, please visit www.ncdd.org/events/tech-tuesdays.

Conselho Nacional de Saúde – National Health Council

Definition The CNS is an organ linked to the Ministry of Health and consists of representatives of organizations and users, organizations representing health care workers, government and health service providers, and its chairman is elected from among the members of the Board. It is the responsibility of the Council, among...

Civic Engagement and Custodianship

I attended an interesting discussion today with Dan O’Brien, Northeastern Professor of Public Policy and Urban Affairs, who also directs the Boston Area Research Initiative (BARI).

BARI has collected numerous datasets related to Boston: 311 calls and 911 calls; event listings and ticket sales from ArtsBoston, property tax assessment records, data on bicycle accidents, and more. You can even access the data online here: https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataverse/BARI.

O’Brien discussed a number of projects he was interested in exploring with his work, but I was most struck by his work using data from 311 – Boston’s hotline for requesting city services – as an indicator of civic engagement.

Through the 311 system a person might notify the city of a burnt-out street lamp, a pothole, or any number of other issues.

This creates a dataset which can measure what O’Brien calls custodianship – essentially citizen actions to improve or repair a community good.

This civic indicator has typically been challenging to measure. As O’Brien notes in a 2013 paper,” custodianship entails the co-incidence of an ‘issue’ and someone who moves to address it. Although some such events might be regular, like an individual who sweeps the front walk daily, they will typically be rare.”

However, 311 data are starting to change that, with the added benefit that – at least in Boston – users register to use the system, making it possible to “aggregate cases for each registered user, permitting analyses that examine and compare patterns of custodianship across individuals.”

In his work so far, O’Brien has found that custodianship through the 311 system is “a rare act” – most users only reported 1-2 cases within the 15-month window. Of course, the 311 system only captures some portion of “custodial acts,” so it’s entirely possible that a low frequency of reports does not indicate low custodianship.

(Also possible: Boston is perfect and few requests for improvement are needed.)

Perhaps most interestingly, O’Brien has found that “Most individuals take responsibility for a narrow geographical range surrounding their homes.” This could be a simple indicator that people are more likely to see a problem in an area the frequent, but it could also indicate that people feel more custodianship over their immediate neighborhood.

This work is just the beginning of a really interesting exploration of the relationship between civic engagement, custodianship, and 311 calls, but with cities’ growing interest in collecting resident data, there will certainly be more great work to come.

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Putting the People Back in Politics

In our recent Bridging Differences conversation in Education Week, Deborah Meier points out that schools are ideal places for people to learn how to engage in debate, especially if they are diverse in race and ethnic history.

I'd add partisanship. In much of education, Republicans are the "other." And for all the gestures toward weighing of evidence and the importance of diverse ideas, the politics of educators (especially in higher education) is often highly moralized, dividing the world between the righteous and the damned, the latter usually described as ignorant bigots. Of course this is part of a broader pattern as well.

Today people think "politics" is a kind of warfare, funded by the superrich, revolving around parties, politicians, and professionals as detached experts. Citizens need to reclaim politics as the way to negotiate differences to get something done and work out how to live together. This was politics descending from the Greeks, revolving around the people in their role as citizens. I like Wynton Marsalis' description of democracy as like jazz, in Ken Burn's "Jazz": "an argument with the intent to work something out." It is also a description of citizen-centered politics.

How can we introduce children to citizen politics and its skills in our divided and demonizing world? And how can schools and classrooms be free spaces, sites for political education that builds democratic habits and democracy as a way of life?

One method is teaching and spreading what are called "deliberative practices." There is a growing movement to teach deliberation and its political skills- learning to cool the heat, listen to other people with different perspectives, and incorporate different ideas in "public judgment" not only "private opinion." The Kettering Foundation and the National Issues Forums have been leaders here. A forthcoming study by Stacey Molnar Main has shown striking increases in both teacher and student civic interests and skills among those who use deliberation.

At the Sabo Center for Democracy and Citizenship at Augsburg College, Dennis Donovan and Elaine Eschenbacher have been training students to moderate deliberative discussions and also to organize such discussions in communities.

A third example: Diana Hess and Paula McAvoy have a new book, The Political Classroom, which shows that many teachers, even the most partisan, are eager for students to hear radically different viewpoints. Teachers also experience pressure to "scrub" any controversy from their curriculum, so they need support in enacting this. Diana Hess is the dean of the school of education at UW-Madison.

In my experience, low income and minority students often deliberate more effectively than upper middle class professionals. Two recent experiences illustrate.

The first was a forum on "the legacy of slavery" several weeks ago that involved about 40 people. Almost all were upper middle class professionals from Minneapolis and St. Paul. Person after person took the floor to denounce the racism they perceived among working class supporters of Donald Trump and other Republicans and assert their own lack of prejudice. "We're all of the same view in this room," several said. Then I dissented strongly, describing my organizing days in a poor white mill community in Durham, on assignment from Martin Luther King. The movement leaders who mentored me didn't divide the world into good guys versus evil doers.

So I disagreed with the faculty and others at Duke who derided the people I was working with as "racist rednecks." Like everyone, people in the community were complex and certainly had some prejudices. But when they got organized they made many more connections with the black communities in Durham than did faculty.

Ever since my community organizing days I've been skeptical of the politics around "white skin privilege." It's not because I don't care about prejudices - I'm glad for prophetic voices like Black Lives Matter which shine the spotlight on racial injustices. But the politics of what is called "white privilege" strikes me as a key way that professionals mark their class differences from working class whites. This is ideological politics, revolving around professionals, not citizen politics.

And it's not a way to deal effectively with prejudice.

Another story was a forum that a Public Achievement team in a mostly African American high school, Fairview Academy, organized on gun violence. They invited four community members, including a white policeman. About 70 people were there. The discussion quickly turned to racism, and it was a striking contrast with the forum on the legacy of slavery.

Students were mainly nuanced, not self-righteous. They noted prejudices within themselves and within the black community, and also the existence of many different kinds of prejudices. And they responded enthusiastically to my story of community organizing among poor whites in the 1960s and 1970s.

Today we hear a lot of righteous rhetoric but not many stories about down to earth citizen politics -- civic organizing -- to complement prophetic statements. Denunciations of racism -- or any other major problem -- without grassroots organizing are like one hand clapping.

I see a strong appetite for citizen politics among young people today. So Meier's question, how can schools be sites of political education? is extremely timely.

I'd add, we need to put the people back in politics.