New Videos: Electing the President

One of the important relationships that the Lou Frey Institute and the Florida Joint Center for Citizenship have developed is with the Florida State Association of Supervisor of Elections. Recently, our own Dr. Terri Fine sat down with Bill Cowles, the Supervisor of Elections of Orange County, and Dr. Aubrey Jewett, Associate Professor of Political Science at UCF to discuss the process of electing the president. The video is broken down into four segments, and you can click the embedded link in the descriptive text to download each video. Alternatively, you can simply visit the page to preview the videos.

Please keep in mind that here in Florida, our 7th grade civics course does not generally address federal elections and the Electoral College, so these would be more applicable for high school students in this state. These could certainly serve as a means to develop/refresh your own content knowledge however! 

The first addresses the role of the census and reapportionment in determining the power and influence of a state within the Electoral College and in the selection of candidates.
censusThe second video explores presidential preference primaries and state caucuses, and the role they play in selecting a party’s candidate.

PPPThe third video describes the national conventions. It really is an interesting discussion about how the conventions have become more of a fundraising opportunity and media event rather than the traditional selection of the candidate, the running mate, and the platform. As argued in the clip, it is in many ways a ‘staged event’ now, because many of the decisions that used to occur at the convention now occur well in advance. It’s often just ratifying these decisions! Download the video and check out the discussion!
conv1 The next video in the series discusses Election Day and how time zones and different state-level voting procedures could impact both the voter and the election of the president, as well as a reminder that we are actually not really voting for the president! And no discussion of elections would be complete with a consideration of the money involved.
electon dayThe final video in the series looks at the Electoral College itself, always a controversial and misunderstood component of the American electoral system.
electorla college
We hope that you find this resource useful. Visit the Orange County Supervisor of Elections page to view and download the videos.

Reminder: Here in Florida, our 7th grade civics course does not generally address federal elections and the Electoral College, so these would be more applicable for high school students in this state. 


New Videos: Electing the President

One of the important relationships that the Lou Frey Institute and the Florida Joint Center for Citizenship have developed is with the Florida State Association of Supervisor of Elections. Recently, our own Dr. Terri Fine sat down with Bill Cowles, the Supervisor of Elections of Orange County, and Dr. Aubrey Jewett, Associate Professor of Political Science at UCF to discuss the process of electing the president. The video is broken down into four segments, and you can click the embedded link in the descriptive text to download each video. Alternatively, you can simply visit the page to preview the videos.

Please keep in mind that here in Florida, our 7th grade civics course does not generally address federal elections and the Electoral College, so these would be more applicable for high school students in this state. These could certainly serve as a means to develop/refresh your own content knowledge however! 

The first addresses the role of the census and reapportionment in determining the power and influence of a state within the Electoral College and in the selection of candidates.
censusThe second video explores presidential preference primaries and state caucuses, and the role they play in selecting a party’s candidate.

PPPThe third video describes the national conventions. It really is an interesting discussion about how the conventions have become more of a fundraising opportunity and media event rather than the traditional selection of the candidate, the running mate, and the platform. As argued in the clip, it is in many ways a ‘staged event’ now, because many of the decisions that used to occur at the convention now occur well in advance. It’s often just ratifying these decisions! Download the video and check out the discussion!
conv1 The next video in the series discusses Election Day and how time zones and different state-level voting procedures could impact both the voter and the election of the president, as well as a reminder that we are actually not really voting for the president! And no discussion of elections would be complete with a consideration of the money involved.
electon dayThe final video in the series looks at the Electoral College itself, always a controversial and misunderstood component of the American electoral system.
electorla college
We hope that you find this resource useful. Visit the Orange County Supervisor of Elections page to view and download the videos.

Reminder: Here in Florida, our 7th grade civics course does not generally address federal elections and the Electoral College, so these would be more applicable for high school students in this state. 


Reflections on Public Life and a Long Vacation

It’s been 25 days since my last blog post.

The break was intentional as I transitioned from my full time job of nearly eight years to becoming a full time student. In that three and half weeks I have lived un-publicly: I have said many goodbyes, relaxed on the Cape, read several books, done some significant cleaning, and explored the history of Boston’s North End.

It was remarkable to have so much time with so little responsibility. I got to truly relax and reset before beginning this next chapter of my life.

But I noticed something interesting as the end of my limbo neared: I was anxious about the prospect of regularly writing publicly again.

I kept finding myself wondering what topics I should write about, especially as I only half-followed the news. I kept finding myself wondering why I should even write publicly at all – an arguably presumptuous, egotistical move.

I started thinking that I wouldn’t blog on my promised restart date after all. Maybe I’d give myself another week to get settled into school. Then I could take the time to think of a worthwhile topic, I could find some commentary worthy of the public sphere.

But, of course, that’s the myth of public life: that it should be a place only for perfection, a space only for experts. That the rest of us, with our half-thoughts and individual perspectives should stick to the shadows, leaving our representatives to the public work.

When I started my vacation, my mind was exploding with possible blog post topics. Everything I read, every interaction I had – I looked for the public value in those private moments.

I left myself cryptic notes, “Voice – to broad public v. within institutions? Role of social media?” That idea seemed really important two weeks ago.

But as I got further and further away from public writing, I stopped thinking about public life all together. My private reflections remained private, and I thought less and less about their value to the public sphere.

I’ve no interest in leading a celebrity life – my private moments splashed all over the public domain. But at the same time I am a citizen, with an obligation to public participation , public deliberation, and, indeed, some measure of public life.

So I am back to blogging today, September 8, the day I said I would get back to it. I don’t know what to say, I don’t know what to write, and I’m far from certain that my perspective holds much value.

But I will continue to write publicly, I’ll continue to think publicly, and, of course, I’ll continue to work publicly, side by side with all of you.

Because if there’s one thing I know, it is this: there is much work to be done.

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Bringing the Constitution to Life: The Joe Foss Institute

Today’s post is a guest post from Audrey Mazzota, the Southeast Regional Coordinator for the Joe Foss Institute. She joins us this morning to discuss how the Joe Foss Institute can help you and your students grow in your understanding of American history and civics through the programs they offer. As a veteran, I especially admire their integration of active duty and former military members into classrooms. Please remember that this is a national organization, so it serves more than just Florida!

As teachers know, stories transport children to a new level of understanding. The Joe Foss Institute (JFI), a national nonprofit organization, and their Veterans Inspiring Patriotism (VIP) program, uses the power of a “living history” story to inspire students and bring the concepts of citizenship and freedom to life.
 
Military veterans visit classrooms and speak of their service, in addition to delivering free education material on the Flag, Constitution, Bill of Rights and Declaration of Independence. These corresponding videos and lesson plans are fun, engaging, aligned to clear learning objectives and are age appropriate. Florida history teacher Evy Fernandez says, “Having a veteran talk about their experience helps students put my lectures and lessons into perspective.”
 
Teachers solely seeking materials to supplement their civics and history lessons will find a resource in JFI’s You Are America civics series. In addition, classroom-size Flags and poster-size copies of the Founding Documents are offered free to schools.
 
Since its founding, JFI has enriched the education of more than 1.6 million, K – 12 students nationwide and more than 53,000 students in Florida.
 
JFI was founded in 2001 by Medal of Honor recipient General Joe Foss, and his wife Didi, to help educate young Americans on responsible citizenship and prepare them for civic engagement. In addition to classroom presentations and educational resources, the Institute offers college scholarships.
 
For more information on the JFI and their programs, or to volunteer, please visit joefossinstitute.org or contact Audrey Mazzotta, JFI Regional Coordinator – Southeast Region, at amazzotta@joefossinstitute.org
Thank you, Audrey, for the post and for the work that you do!

Kierkegaard on Assistant Professors

“Yes, you assistant professor, of all the loathsome inhumans the most loathsome….”

“A ludicrous sullenness and paragraph-pomposity that give an assistant professor a remarkable likeness to a Holberg bookkeeper are called earnestness by assistant professors….”

“When an assistant professor, every time his coattails reminds him to say something, says de omnibus dubitandum est [everything must be doubted] and briskly writes away on a system in which there is sufficient internal evidence in every other sentence that the man has never doubted anything-he is not considered lunatic.”

But the presence of irony does not necessarily mean that earnestness is excluded. Only assistant professors assume that.

“There is nothing at all for assistant professors to do. The assistance of these gentlemen is needed here no more than than a maiden needs a barber to shave her beard and no more than a bald man needs a barber to ‘style’ his hair.”

“It can be assumed that in the present generation every tenth person is an assistant professor….”

DeKalb, IL Plans for Future with Conversation Cafe Model

We recently heard the story of an exciting project that the City of DeKalb undertook to engage citizens in its strategic planning process that we wanted to share here. With a few of our NCDD members’ help, DeKalb held a series of Conversation Cafe-style public meetings and will turn the input they gathered into a 10-year vision for the city. We encourage you to read more about the process in NCDD member Tracy Rogers-Tryba‘s write up of the project below.


The City of DeKalb enlisted the assistance of the Center for Governmental Studies at Northern Illinois University to embark upon a multi-year, collaborative, grassroots strategic planning effort. Utilizing a modified Conversation Cafe model, the City has turned to city residents, students, workers and employers to share their ideas about DeKalb’s future. Responses to these questions will help shape a vision for the City of DeKalb.

The goal is to provide an understanding of the City’s assets and improvement opportunities, suggestions for change strategies, and ways for the City to maintain ongoing dialogue and communication with people who live, work or attend school in DeKalb.

“These meetings have been excellent opportunities for us to hear first-hand the hopes and aspirations that DeKalb residents, students, and workers have for our city,” said Mayor John Rey. “We want a vision of DeKalb that is meaningful to everyone, and we also want to hear the ideas people have for realizing that vision.”

Eight open Conversation Cafes, entitled Community Conversations, were held throughout July. All community conversations were open to anyone from the public. Conversations were held at facilities located on public transit routes and transportation was made available for those individuals needing assistance. Interpreters were also made available for non-English speaking participants. Prior to the Conversation Cafes that were open to anyone from the public, the Center held smaller targeted meetings for homeless populations, international and high school student populations, as well as for various sectors of leadership throughout the community.

Results of the outreach efforts, and information collected by the Center for Governmental Studies will be transmitted to the City. Resident populations have expressed appreciation and encouragement for the City to continue this form of collaborative engagement as it reflects efforts of a more open collaborative community dialogue.

dekalb process photo

City Administrator Anne Marie Gaura opens an citizen input session in DeKalb

Following up on the dialogue efforts, Janice Thomson and Hubert Morgan – both of whom are experts in D&D and NCDD members – provided an introductory workshop entitled Conversation for Vibrant Communities on the four streams of engagement in D&D practice on August 5, 2015.

All the data has since been collected, and the Center continues to work with the City’s administration and senior elected leaders on drafting new mission, vision, values, and strategic initiatives for the 10 year visioning plan. This work product has been handed over to the City’s administration and employees so that they can also provide their input. The Center will then take this information and look to connect it to work done by residents, leadership, and employees to build out a plan that has community input.

The final 10-year plan and results of the process will be presented back to the Council and residents in October.

Thanks so much to Tracy Rogers-Tryba for writing this piece and for sharing it with us!

Philosophy Lies at the Heart of Mississippi Education Debate

Originally published in The Clarion Ledger, September 6, 2015, 2C

Click here for a full-sized Adobe PDF scan of the artile.

Click for a printable PDF scan.

Mississippians have been entangled in a deep philosophical debate about education funding for months, though attention has focused largely on technical details. Ballot initiative 42 that will be decided this November asks: “Should the state be required to provide for the support of an adequate and efficient system of free public schools?” If voters pass the initiative, they would be demanding an amendment to the state Constitution making that requirement explicit.

This is a photo of the top of the scan of my Clarion Ledger article, 'Philosophy at Heart of Mississippi Education Debate.' If you click on this image, it will open a full-size, printable Adobe PDF scan of the original piece in the paper.

People who want voters to choose “yes” explain that such a requirement should be enforceable in the courts. Without that, a parent would have no recourse when his or her child must attend a chronically underfunded and failing school.

In their involvement of the courts, the proponents of 42 have made a crucial move for taking Mississippians’ educational obligation seriously. As the Legislature has continually failed to fund education even to the level of basic adequacy, the proponents of 42 are right to demand a check on that negligence.

The Legislature proposed an alternate initiative, 42A, which asks: “Shall the Legislature be required to provide for the establishment and support of an effective system of free public schools?” On the surface, that sounds sensible, as it is the Legislature’s responsibility to allocate proper funding. If we obligate the state instead, however, then it makes sense that the courts would be able to protect citizens’ rights, forcing the state to fulfill its obligations. 42A omits reference to the courts and calls for an “effective system of free public schools upon such conditions and limitations as the Legislature may prescribe.”

The problem people have is with the Legislature. We have had budget surpluses and contributed hundreds of millions of dollars to a rainy day fund. Officials have additionally been proposing tax cuts. At the same time, the Legislature continues to severely underfund public education.

The critics of 42A are on to something when they point out that the Legislature already has the control that the alternate initiative has in mind.* 42A amounts to a rejection of the idea that the Legislature should be checked and held accountable in the courts when it fails to fully fund education. In that sense, it denies that the people of Mississippi have a real obligation to provide access to an adequate education for all our citizens.

Given the confusing technical details of the two proposals, it is vital that we consider seriously whether and why we have the obligation that 42 suggests. That philosophical question is crucial, since if we have such an obligation, it cannot be optional and contingent on the Legislature’s fluctuating will.

When the state has an obligation, citizens have corresponding rights. If we believe we have an obligation to provide access to an adequate education, we must give people a meaningful mechanism for recourse when the state fails to fulfill its obligation.

No one has seriously denied the idea implicit in initiative 42 — that the citizens of Mississippi should support and provide access to a free and adequate public education for all of our young people. We should consider the question for the sake of argument, however, because it illustrates why 42A falls short of meaningful reform. What reasons can we give to an imagined skeptic of our obligation to provide adequate, if not good or excellent, public education?

There are many reasons, but four stand out:

• Self-governance requires education. According to Thomas Jefferson, education is essential for democracy. It is necessary for wise governance, for peace, and for political legitimacy.

• Education for all is a requirement of equal citizenship. Mississippi has a troubled history. Today, reasonable and responsible officials rightly explain that those parts of our history are not what Mississippi values anymore. After James Craig Anderson was killed in a racially motivated murder in Jackson, U.S. Attorney John Downy argued that “the actions of these defendants who have pled guilty… do not represent the values of Mississippi in 2012.” I agree. At the same time, in the 44 Mississippi school districts that were labeled “dropout factories” in 2007, only a small portion of the students we were failing were white. Overwhelmingly those schools are made up student bodies 75-100 percent of which are minority kids.

• Inadequate education is one of the most powerful forms of oppression. Eighty percent of people incarcerated in the U.S. have not graduated from high school. As so many of our schools have been failing or at-risk of failing, we have been perpetuating the history that we say we want to leave behind. Republicans and Democrats from all over Mississippi are sick and tired of these impediments to the state’s progress. Educational failure is one of our most obstructive problems. To redress our history of injustice and our present challenges, we must stop accepting gross inadequacy that systematically holds our citizens back and reaps division, rather than unity.

• Expectations of responsibility depend upon personal development. In America and especially in Mississippi, we value personal responsibility. At the same time, we don’t demand rent from babies. We know that personal responsibility and self-respect are developed over time and through education. If we expect people to prize freedom and independence, we cannot assume that citizens are born as responsible adults. In youth, we are all dependent and in need of an education.

Education is both a necessity for democracy and a value in itself. If our government is intended to protect the pursuit of happiness, that protection must be extended to everyone. If we are obligated to ensure that all Mississippians are afforded at least an adequate education, furthermore, then we must provide the people with a mechanism for recourse when the state fails to fulfill its obligations. Rights and obligations are not optional, which is why we need the courts for their enforcement. That is also why 42 could lead to real progress in education and why we must choose it instead of more of the same failure.

Eric Thomas Weber is associate professor of Public Policy Leadership at the University of Mississippi and author of “Uniting Mississippi: Democracy and Leadership in the South” (Sept. 2015). He is representing only his own point of view. Follow him on Twitter @EricTWeber.

For a week or two, The Clarion Ledger will have the text version of the article on their Web site here.

* The original article included a next sentence here that was edited in such a way that did not capture what was intended. I have omitted the new version from the text here. You can still see it in the scan, however.

The Strategic Value of Developing Law for the Commons, Final Parts

Below are the final sections of the memo, "Reinventing Law for the Commons," whose three earlier parts were excerpted over the past several days.  The wiki of examples in Part II can be found on the Commons Transition website, and the final document can be downloaded here.

III. The Strategic Value of Developing Law for the Commons

Some Legal and Philosophical Reflections

Having surveyed a rather remarkable array of commons-based law initiatives, it is worth pausing for a moment to reflect on their significance for law, governance and politics.  These innovations in commons-based law challenge the tacit premise that the best, most natural system of governance and social order is the market/state, as dominated by transnational corporations and capital.  Law for the Commons attempts to open up new spaces through which commoners can have greater freedom and autonomy to devise governance forms of their own making, conBsistent with overarching principles of democracy and human rights.  It is perhaps risky to stipulate a specific set of principles that a Law for the Commons seeks to uphold, but there are clearly affinities among the diverse examples described above.  In different ways, commons projects are attempting to use law to achieve these purposes:

  • Provide structure for internal, participatory, bottom-up deliberation and governance (e.g., omni-commons, subsistence commons, Loomio, DemocracyOS);
  • Protect shared assets that are threatened by market enclosure (e.g., stakeholder trusts, blockchain ledger, community charters);
  • Provide a legal structure and identity to commons so that they can be legally cognizable to the state or international law (e.g., omni-commons, biocultural protocols for indigenous peoples, Terms of Service for peer production);
  • Provide commoners with access to state law to enforce their practices and norms (e.g., General Public License, Creative Commons licenses, community land trusts);
  • Secure state authority for commoning by modifying or extending state law through legal “work-arounds” (e.g., copyright-based licenses, stakeholder trusts, multistakeholder co-operatives, Bologna Regulation for urban commons);
  • Openly challenge recognized boundaries of law as a way to provoke a political debate or validate a particular commons (e.g., community ordinances; biocultural protocols; the commons-based foundation for Teatro Valle in Rome); and
  • Use digital technologies to create superior functional alternatives to state law (e.g., open value networks, smart contracts, the blockchain ledger).

The very idea of Law for the Commons constitutes a profound philosophical challenge to the liberal capitalist polity.  After all, many commons seek to enact different ideals of human flourishing and governance than the formal, universal and rational/utilitarian ones of the modern liberal state and neoliberal economics.  In this sense, Law for the Commons as it expands could help propel a paradigm shift because it asserts a different theory of value than that of conventional economics and the (formally) neutral apparatus of the liberal state.  Law for the Commons generally rejects capital accumulation and market exchange as the default engine of social and economic progress, and in this sense proposes a very different vision of human development.

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The Newspaper Test for Twitter and Gyges’s Ring

Cover page of an old version of Plato's Republic.This week, while my Philosophy of Leadership class has been covering Plato’s Republic & the story of Gyges’s ring, I was presented with a Twitter-style version of the story. In the Republic, Plato’s Socrates is talking with people about justice. People only act justly if they can’t get away with injustice, say Socrates’s friends. Well, in today’s world, it turns out that if you can get away with breaking the rules, you can get a lot of Twitter followers quickly. Some high profile people break those rules and get away with it. And, some don’t get away with it.

This is the full size of the image of the cover of Gyges' Ring, featuring a gold band with a red jewel.

I am convinced of the need for more public philosophy and feel compelled to contribute as best I can. I’d like to reach more people with the messages that I think need to be said and heard. Apparently you can reach more folks and more will follow you if you first pay a service to generate 10,000 fake followers for you over a few weeks’ time. Why? People with lots of followers are more likely to get followed in return. They’re also more likely to be proposed to other people as good candidates for following, speeding the cycle. What’s the catch? It goes against Twitter policy to pay for fake activity, including following or posting.

I’ve been told that Twitter does not police that, however. They don’t want spammers who sell stuff by automatic “fake” activity of messaging, and they clamp down on that. If that’s true — if they don’t police fake follower-buying — then it’s ok to do, right?

Highway sign reading "Speed Limit 55," with next to it a "Your Speed" sign reading "118." Yes, I faked this on purpose.

Yes, I photoshopped this.

Imagine that a stretch of highway is to be policed by an office that is underfunded. It can only police that stretch of highway from January to September. Does that mean that for three months it’s ok to drive 60 miles over the speed limit? There’s no policing, so what’s wrong with driving over 100 mph? My point is that the fact that something isn’t policed doesn’t mean that it’s thereby ok to do. Also, Plato’s Socrates would say that the policing factor only gets at the extrinsic value of just action, not the intrinsic.

Extrinsic consequences can tell you something, though, or so it seems, according to the modern-day idea of a newspaper test. The question is whether it would still be ok to do what you’re planning if it were to be featured on the front page of the newspaper tomorrow. That is an extrinsic test. It asks what would happen as a consequence if someone were to find you out. Your reputation could be damaged. You could go to jail. Other bad consequences could ensue from doing the wrong thing. BUT, what if you knew it couldn’t end up in the newspaper tomorrow?

A photo of the relevant passage in my book, which says that the corpse had nothing on but a ring.Plato tells us the story of Gyges’s ring. The story says that a man goes into a chasm in the ground and finds a hollow bronze horse in the chasm. In it, there is a dead man wearing nothing but a jeweled ring. That’s right, nothing but that. Philosophers I know have forgotten that there’s a naked guy in the story. A dead naked guy.

Anyway, the explorer, now a ring richer from taking from a corpse, finds out accidentally that when he turns the ring around, he becomes invisible and can do whatever he wants. He can get away with anything. In that case, the Devil’s advocates in Plato’s story tell Socrates that the invisible man would do whatever he wanted, whether just or not, if he could certainly get away with it.

Bust of Socrates.Socrates argues that justice is not only good for the extrinsic rewards that it brings when it does, but also for its intrinsic value. So, even if you had that ring, you should act justly if you want to be happy and live a good life. Your soul is healthy when you would act justly even if you could have gotten away with injustice.

The newspaper test today is partly about the threat that you will get caught, but it can also help to convince us about what is right and wrong even if you got away with it. If what you are planning to do would look terrible when detailed for the public in the newspaper tomorrow, that’s an indication that it’s the wrong thing to do. There are some unique exceptions to that, which I think deserve their own post, but for the most part, I think that the test is helpful. If you are looking to benefit personally and in a way that is unjust, don’t do it! If to do what is just comes with a cost to reputation, that’s a different story.

Sometimes people’s right to privacy means you can’t disclose information that would explain your actions or decisions. Or, revealing information might put one’s troops in danger. In those cases, you take the insults to your character because it’s the right thing to do, when necessary for justice.

What’s wrong with the Twitter story? At least three things, if not more: 1) If you are buying Twitter followers, you are violating Twitter’s policy, going against the stated norms of a social medium. 2) You are creating a deception, making yourself look like you have a reputation that you lack. 3) As there are legitimate and non-deceptive ways of growing your following quickly, through honest and open paid promotions, you are depriving Twitter of one of the few things that earn the company money.

Newt Gingrich and his wife Callista Gingrich.

Photo by Gage Skidmore (Creative Commons), 2012.

Buying Twitter followers is cheap, it turns out. $70 can buy you 10,000 “followers.” Why not do it? One answer is the newspaper test. What would it look like if people found out that’s what you did? What if it were on the front page?

Newt Gingrich knows the answer to that question. It’s not good.

In this case, I think we can safely say that if it would look terrible to do something that is a deception, it’s probably intrinsically a bad thing to do also — whether or not you can get away with it.

Oh, and by the way, follow me on Twitter and “like” my Facebook author page! 😉