NCDD Grows to 2,000 – Welcome New Members!

Since our member drive last year, and with a bit of a Spring push, NCDD has officially surpassed the 2,000 member mark! We are so proud of our members and the amazing work they do, and we are honored to have the support of so many leaders in our field.

We want to send a warm welcome out to the newest members of the National Coalition for Dialogue & Deliberation. You can search for and connect with all our new and existing members in the member directory and the new member map at www.ncdd.org/map.  And to all our new members, remember to familiarize yourself with the member benefits page to ensure you get the most out of your membership!

The following organizations and individuals joined NCDD or renewed their membership in the last month…

Our newest Organizational Members…

Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation, Archon Fung, Tim Glynn-Burke, and Christina Marchand

Ethelo Decisions Inc., John Richardson, Darryl Brousseau and Kent Mewhort

Environmental Dispute Resolution Program, University of Utah, Michele Straube, Kirstin Lindstrom, John Ruple, and James Holbrook

One Million Moderates, Rick Raddatz

The Institute for Civil Dialogue, John Genette, Clark Olson, and Jennifer Linde

Our newest Supporting Members…

Linda Honold Democracy Entrepreneur, Strategy for Vision in Action

Grande Lum Director, Community Relations Service, U.S. Department of Justice

Jesikah Maria Ross Community Engagement Specialist, Capital Public Radio

Jesse Lyn Stoner Executive Director, Berrett-Koehler Foundation

Russ Charvonia Deputy Grand Master, Freemasons of California

Abby Pfisterer Director of Civics Programs, Morven Park

Ed Poole Director of Teaching & Learning, Cambridge Lakes Charter School

Scott Bittle Rutherford, NJ

Patrice O’Neill Executive Producer/CEO, Not In Our Town

Sara Drury Assistant Professor, Wabash College

Nick Deychakiwsky Brighton, MI

Cornelia Flora Distinguished Professor Emeritus, Iowa State University

Priscilla Sanville Associate Professor, Lesley University

Caroline Rennie Managing Partner, Ren-New LLC

Libby Holtmann Haggard Library Manager, City of Plano

Hannah Litzenberger Associate, EnviroIssues

Laurie Richardson Cambridge, MA

Michael Morrissey Novato, CA

June Holley Founder, Network Weaving

Our most recently Renewed Members…

Sustaining Members

Dr. Mary Gelinas Managing Director, Gelinas James, Inc.

Organizational Members

Canadian Community for Dialogue and Deliberation, Arjun Singh

The Taos Institute, Dawn Dole

Curtin University Sustainability Policy (CUSP) Institute, Janette Hartz-Karp, Ph.D

Mediators Foundation, Mark Gerzon

Public Agenda, Will Friedman

PlaceSpeak Inc, Colleen Hardwick

Supporting Members

Jan Inglis Director, Integrated Learning Institute

Ellen Knutson Research Association, Kettering Foundation

Sarah Barton Senior VP & COO, Rise Alaska LLC  

Douglas Crocker Buena Park, CA

Debby Sugarman Brandywine, MD

Samuel Mahaffy  Dr. Samuel Mahaffy & Associates

Seamus Kraft Co-Founder, OpenGov Foundation

Patricia J. Eastwood Program Facilitator, Washington State Office of Secondary Education for Migrant Youth

Belinda Lowing Engagement and Facilitation Business Analyst, City of Boroondara

Pete Glassman New York State Agricultural Mediation Program

Sharon Durgin-Campbell Community Mediation Coordinator Rutland United Neighborhoods Community Justice Center

Jeannine LaPrad Ann Arbor, MI

Debian Marty Professor, California State University Monterey Bay

Interested in Joining their Ranks?

If you’re already an NCDD member, you can upgrade or renew your membership here.  And if you’re new to NCDD, you can join (and learn more about membership) at www.ncdd.org/join. You can join as a non-dues-paying Member, or you can support the Coalition by joining as an Organizational, Sustaining, Supporting, or Student Member.

Learn more about everyone who’s part of the National Coalition for Dialogue & Deliberation in our online Members Directory and Members Map.

Citizen’s Initiative Review Spreads to County Decisions

Our friends at the Jefferson Center, an NCDD organizational member, recently shared an exciting piece about the first use of the Citizen’s Initiative Review process at the county level. Conducted in collaboration with Healthy Democracy, another NCDD organizational member, the project seems to have been a success and bodes well for the expanded use of CIR processes across the country. You can read more in the article below or find the original piece here.


JeffersonCenterLogoWe recently partnered with Healthy Democracy - a civic engagement organization that uses its Citizens’ Initiative Review (CIR) process to facilitate citizen evaluation of ballot measures and provide Oregon voters with unbiased information – in the first ever county-level Citizens’ Initiative Review.

The Jackson County CIR convened twenty randomly-selected voters from across the county to form a demographically-balanced microcosm of the community and evaluate Measure 15-119, a local ballot initiative seeking to ban the cultivation of genetically modified crops within the county. Measure 15-119 has received significant attention across the state and country, drawing millions in outside contributions.

Over the course of three-and-a-half days, the twenty CIR panelists parsed arguments from both the PRO and CON campaigns, listened to presentations from technical experts, and deliberated among one another to produce a Citizens’ Statement outlining their conclusions about the ballot measure. CIR panelists reported ten key findings, or factual arguments that the panelists thought every voter should know in order to make an informed decision when voting on the measure. The Citizens’ Statement also included the five best arguments in favor of and in opposition to the proposed ballot initiative.

2014 Citizens Initiative Review GroupThe CIR is being evaluated by researchers from Colorado State University. Questionnaires given to the panelists by CSU researchers provided initial insight into citizen perceptions of the CIR process and community deliberation. Eighteen of the twenty panelists felt high or very high satisfaction with the CIR. Significant majorities also felt they had sufficient opportunity to express their views and were consistently willing to consider the views of other panelists and experts who held opinions different from their own.

In their closing statements, panelists expressed great enthusiasm for the opportunity to have participated in the CIR and, more importantly, to have helped their neighbors understand complex arguments related to the Measure.

The Citizens’ Initiative Review is an adaptation of our Citizens Jury process, and we’re proud to see it succeed in new contexts. We’re also humbled to see the support of voters who participated in the process. Check out some of their comments in the news stories below:

KDRV TV (ABC)

KOBI TV (NBC)

Mapping blog posts

The last few months I’ve been doing a lot of network mapping. Students in my class created network maps of their morals, and I’ve played around with mapping themes from Hamlet’s soliloquies.

Last summer I created my own moral network map by responding to prompts like What abstract moral principles seem compelling to you? and What personal virtues do you strive to develop?

Creating my own map, and indeed, creating a map for the tragic Dane, were interesting, reflective processes, but somewhat unsatisfying in their unscientificness.

It was too arbitrary, too driven by my own whims and biases. And while perhaps a map of my own morals should be driven by my own whims and biases, I can’t help but think there’s a better way to capture this information.

A more proper methodology would be to conduct interviews, develop a coding scheme, and to capture what ideas came up in what contexts – noting not only the ideas themselves, but what ideas are connected to each other. David Williamson Shaffer takes this approach in much of his methodology looking and the development of epistemic frames – that is, specific professional ways of thinking.

Well, that sounds great, but it’s way too much work for a weekend. Also, I can’t exactly conduct a focus group interview with myself, now can I?

But as I thought about this more, I realized that I do have rich data on my ways of thinking – captured nearly a year’s worth of blog posts.

Text analysis can be a rich and complex process, but, curious to see what I could come up with in a short Sunday afternoon, as a first step I intentionally kept it overly simple. Looking at my first two weeks of blog posts (10 posts), I relied upon word counts to extract key themes:071913_v2

The above network was created with the following rules:

  • A word is recorded if it’s used four or more times in a single post. Four times was an arbitrary cut off based on the distribution of word counts. I would have had a lot more words if I’d included those used three times or less. Interestingly, one post has no impact on this map as a result of that cut off.
  • “Common words” are removed from the count. The word count software had a filter for this, but I ultimately elected to also remove words like “really” and “truly” as well as various forms of “you,” “your,” and “you’re.” After some debate, I elected to keep the word “what.”
  • Words/nodes are sized by frequency – the more times I used a word, the larger it appears.
  • Each word is connected to every other word taken from the same blog post. If a word appears in two blog posts, it is connected to both clusters of words.
  • Colors were generated by an analysis of clusters within the network – groups of words that are highly connected to each other.

It’s particularly notable that this blog-generated map includes many independent clusters of various size, including two nodes which stand alone. This is very different from the map I generated through self-reflection, which was highly interconnected.

However, challenges of the word count approach can also be seen. For example, my post “Petty Bourgeois Radicals and the Freerider Problem,” was inspired by reading Roberto Unger. However, with only one mention of Unger in that post, the cluster generated by that post stands alone and isn’t connected to the post which explicitly references Unger multiple times.

Elinor Ostrom, who was also mentioned once, doesn’t appear at all.

But, problems aside, this is an interesting and relatively quick approach for network mapping. And – here’s the coolest bit – by connecting a blog post’s date to the words from that post, you can create a time-lapse animation of the network’s evolution over time: (Try a different browser if the animation isn’t working…)

071913_v2

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the commencement speaker controversies

IMF chief Christine Lagarde, former secretary of state Condoleezza Rice, activist Ayaan Hirsi Ali, and Colorado state Sen. Michael Johnston (D) are among the commencement speakers who have drawn objections from students this year. Several have withdrawn from speaking or been disinvited in the face of such criticism.

Compared to the people who decry student bigotry in these cases, I take a relatively complex, three-part view.

First, protesting a commencement speaker is not a violation of free speech; it is an act of free speech. Joel Whitney argues that point well in The New Republic. A commencement podium is not an open forum like Hyde Park Corner or a public access cable channel. It is allocated as a high honor to one person whom the institution explicitly endorses. Students may contest that endorsement.

For example, in announcing the choice of Johnston to be the Harvard Ed. School’s speaker, the dean said, “As a teacher, principal, and entrepreneur, Mike’s leadership has made a real difference in the lives of countless students.” (I can’t resist noting that the previous sentence contains a dangling modifier.) Dean Ryan continued, “As a legislator in the Colorado State Senate, [Johnston] is a nationally recognized advocate for school finance reform, fair teacher evaluations, and education equity. I believe that our community will be inspired, as I have been, by his passion and his willingness to find solutions to notoriously difficult challenges in education.”

That was a substantive statement and a prediction. The dean stated that the invitee was great and the whole community would be inspired by him. I have no objection to Sen. Johnston, but students are entitled to contest these claims.

Smith President Kathleen McCartney is right that “an invitation to speak at a commencement is not an endorsement of all views or policies of an individual or the institution she or he leads. … Such a test would preclude virtually anyone in public office or position of influence. Moreover, such a test would seem anathema to our core values of free thought and diversity of opinion.” But an invitation to speak at a commencement is a claim that the invitee is excellent in some respect, and the institution should expect objections if members of the community are known to disagree.

Second, when students protest a commencement speaker, neither the invitee nor the institution should back down. To withdraw in the face of criticism is to frustrate free speech. After Smith College invitee Lagarde, and some students objected, the IMF chief withdrew, saying, “In the last few days, … it has become evident that a number of students and faculty members would not welcome me as a commencement speaker. I respect their views, and I understand the vital importance of academic freedom. However, to preserve the celebratory spirit of commencement day, I believe it is best to withdraw my participation.”

If a commencement is just a celebratory occasion, spoiled by controversy as easily as a picnic by rain, then colleges should invite completely uncontroversial figures to share pabulum from the podium. If a commencement is an opportunity for learning, then it will draw dissent, and both the institution and the speaker should expect that. If they drop the speaker to avoid controversy, they don’t care about free speech.

Third, being exposed to views you disagree with is valuable. It’s educational and challenging. It is most valuable when the views are forcefully expressed by someone who genuinely holds them. Thus liberal students may benefit from hearing Lagarde, Rice, Ali, and Johnston, even if they don’t enjoy these talks all that much on their graduation day. There is a valid principle implied in the claim that these speakers have “free speech,” even if it’s wrongly interpreted to mean that they have some kind of individual right to give a commencement address. (If we have such a right, I’m cashing mine in and speaking next year at the University of Hawaii). “Free speech” doesn’t mean a right to give a commencement address, but it is shorthand for the value of exposure to challenging views.

Therefore, I don’t think students should express their objections in this form: “We despise the invitee and demand that she not speak here at all.” Instead, I think they should say, “We despise the views of the invitee for the following reasons and plan to make our arguments known during commencement.” That reflects an embrace of free speech rather than a fear of it. One model is the critical letter that Catholic University professors wrote to John Boehner after he was invited to speak there. They first offered a strong, substantive, moral critique:

Mr. Speaker, your voting record is at variance from one of the Church’s most ancient moral teachings. From the apostles to the present, the Magisterium of the Church has insisted that those in power are morally obliged to preference the needs of the poor. Your record in support of legislation to address the desperate needs of the poor is among the worst in Congress. This fundamental concern should have great urgency for Catholic policy makers. Yet, even now, you work in opposition to it.

That was actually a devastating rebuke. But the professors went on to welcome him to campus and held out hope that the interchange might influence him:

We congratulate you on the occasion of your commencement address to The Catholic University of America. It is good for Catholic universities to host and engage the thoughts of powerful public figures, even Catholics such as yourself who fail to recognize (whether out of a lack of awareness or dissent) important aspects of Catholic teaching. We write in the hope that this visit will reawaken your familiarity with the teachings of your Church on matters of faith and morals as they relate to governance.

I wouldn’t go so far as to say that every group of angry students must use exactly this model, but it is one worth considering. And then they should get their money’s worth on graduation day by engaging an interesting speaker, actively and critically.

The post the commencement speaker controversies appeared first on Peter Levine.

Kettering Interview with NCDD’s Sandy Heierbacher

Back in March, our partners at the Kettering Foundation published a wonderful interview with NCDD’s very own director, Sandy Heierbacher, that explored the origins of NCDD and more of Sandy’s own story. Sandy has been too humble thus far to post the interview here herself, but I’m not! It’s an insightful read with a peak into NCDD’s future, so I encourage you to read the interview below or find the original version here.


Connecting Communities: Sandy Heierbacher & the National Coalition for Dialogue & Deliberation

kfFor folks who are out in the trenches of communities, opening up dialogues, working on problems, one of the most useful spaces on the Internet is the National Coalition for Dialogue & Deliberation’s (NCDD) resource center, which has almost 3000 items compiled from practitioners throughout the field. Case studies, tools, descriptions, maps, assessment tools – it’s a treasure trove for the dialogue and deliberation field. But another contribution of NCDD’s might be even more important – and that’s the physical (and digital!) work of connecting the many diverse members of this field. It’s this connectivity that makes the community as productive and innovative as it is.

But this doesn’t happen on its own – it happens because NCDD director Sandy Heierbacher and NCDD have made it their mission. Former KF research assistant Jack Becker recently sat down with Sandy for a chat about the history and future of NCDD.

 Jack Becker: Can you first talk a little about your background? What brought you into dialogue and deliberation, and what lead to the creation of NCDD?

Sandy Heierbacher: I was drawn to the concept of dialogue because of my interest and involvement in race relations. I first learned about dialogue in graduate school in 1997, during a course on conflict transformation at the School for International Training, where I was studying intercultural and international management.

When I learned about dialogue, I realized I had been approaching anti-racism work all wrong. It dawned on me that people can’t change until they feel respected and safe and until they feel they’ve been listened to without feeling judged. I dove into dialogue after that and decided to focus my studies on race dialogue.

Part of my graduate program included conducting in-depth interviews with leaders of race dialogue efforts across the country, asking dialogue practitioners questions like “Which methodologies do you use?”, “Do you feel connected to other dialogue practitioners?” and “What are your greatest challenges?” (among many others!). The interviews were amazing, and I had soon fallen completely in love with dialogue and with the kind of people who are drawn to this work.

Those interviews provided me with an amazing learning opportunity on many levels, but two observations really stood out for me from my interviews: one, leaders of race dialogue efforts felt isolated and disconnected from other practitioners, and oftentimes felt they were solopreneurs inventing something completely new, and two, most of the practitioners I talked to admitted they were struggling to know when and how to move their race dialogue groups from talk to action and that they were losing African American participants because of a perceived lack of action.

The first learning came into play later on, and led to me and 60 others organizing the first National Conference on Dialogue and Deliberation several years later. The second learning convinced me that I should focus my graduate thesis on how race dialogue groups can move from talk to action more effectively.

Once my thesis was completed, my partner Andy (now my husband and creative director of NCDD) suggested we simplify the paper a bit, break it up into sections, and put it up on a website. I really wanted people to read my work and perhaps benefit from it, and we decided that to get people to the site, we should add a “community page” to the site, where I’d post news from the field, upcoming conferences and trainings, and calls for facilitators. There was no place like this online at the time.

That project, which we called “Dialogue to Action Initiative,” eventually grew into the National Coalition for Dialogue & Deliberation. I think the turning point came about at the 2000 Hope in the Cities’ conference: a group of attendees ended up hanging out in the hallway talking about how great it would be to have a conference designed to allow us to experience each other’s dialogue models and tackle our common challenges—like moving from talk to action or deciding when to use which method.

After the conference was over, I started a Yahoo! group so we could continue our conversation on the idea of a dialogue conference. As so often happens with groups, two people emerged as being the real worker bees who push things forward. For this group, it was me and Jim Snow, a retired US State Department official who was involved in running dialogues for George Mason’s Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution.

I ended up as the director of the National Coalition for Dialogue & Deliberation because of a combination of factors: luck and timing; the right kind of skills and tendencies; a great husband who was willing to contribute his design and tech skills and who became as committed to NCDD as I am; a genuine concern and affection for dialogue and deliberation practitioners; a good deal of self-interest that fortunately was aligned with what the field seemed to need at the time; and a certain amount of youthful energy and naïveté about what I was embarking on and whether I had all the skills and resources required to do it!

Fortunately, it has never been just Andy and me. We brought together a dynamic, diverse group of 60 volunteers (and 50 endorsing organizations) to make the idea of a National Conference on Dialogue & Deliberation into a reality—and that incredible spirit of commitment and collaboration has been a key part of NCDD’s culture ever since.

About every two years NCDD members have come together for regional or national conferences. We might call these conferences “exchanges,” since members share insights about their work and discuss their successes and struggles. How do you and the NCDD staff connect these gatherings together and make them meaningful?

Our stated goal for the first National Conference on Dialogue & Deliberation in 2002 was to “unite and strengthen the growing dialogue and deliberation community.” This has remained our primary goal for all NCDD conferences.

In many ways, each conference is its own animal, as many attendees and presenters are newcomers to NCDD each time and we try new things with each event. We learn a great deal from each one, both in terms of formats that work for our audience and ways we can help participants tackle their collective challenges.

At the very first NCDD conference, we used the study circles “action forum” concept on the last day of the conference, inspiring over a dozen action groups to form around ideas and goals that had been identified at the previous day’s plenary. The action groups focused on goals like increasing diversity in the field, internationalizing NCDD, building a resource toolbox for practitioners, and integrating dialogue and deliberation into educational environments. Though the conference was very highly rated and our attendees did want to see progress made on all the action areas, we learned that conference attendees are not necessarily interested in committing themselves to long-term group work.

Since then, we’ve experimented with a variety of different formats and tactics to encourage attendees to combine forces and share knowledge both during and after the events. At our 2008 conference in Austin, for example, we had 5 artists in our graphic facilitator team manage large murals that were placed on the walls in the plenary room throughout the 3-day event. Each mural focused on one of the five “challenge areas” attendees had prioritized during the final session of our 2006 conference in San Francisco, which could easily be considered our field’s most “wicked problems”:

  • Framing this work in a way that’s accessible to a broad audience;
  • Moving from talk to action effectively;
  • Institutionalizing or embedding dialogue and deliberation into government and other systems;
  • Increasing diversity and inclusion in our field and in our communities’ decision making processes; and
  • Evaluating and assessing dialogue and deliberation work.

For our most recent national conference in 2012, we tried something new called the NCDD “catalyst awards” to provide two $10,000 awards for collaborative, team-led projects that had the potential to move our field forward. Though we hadn’t thought of it this way at the time, you could consider the catalyst awards an experiment in participatory budgeting. We asked our community members to propose projects, work together on developing them, and then vote on the winners.

The framing question for the 2012 Seattle conference was, “How can we build a more robust civic infrastructure in our practice, our communities, and our country?” Why this question? Is there evidence that the civic infrastructure in America or abroad is cracked, crumbling, or otherwise not up to the task of addressing the tough problems governments and communities face?

We’ve learned from our members that dialogue and deliberation work is most effective over the long run when it is embedded in their communities and their institutions. Yet it’s extremely challenging for individual practitioners to focus on impacting established systems. With the concept of civic infrastructure, we’re encouraging NCDD members and conference attendees, in part, to think about small things they can do to make it easier for people to engage effectively next time around.

Thinking about building civic infrastructure through their work, a practitioner might spend a little more time training facilitators and making sure local organizations can tap into and utilize those facilitators for future projects. A practitioner might think about how their shorter-term project could actually launch a long-term online space where community members can meet and connect. And they might take extra time to cultivate and recognize local champions of public engagement—especially those in government.

What is a civic infrastructure? What local and national projects are underway in support of one?

I like to think of civic infrastructure as the “big picture” of why we do this work. Ultimately, dialogue and deliberation practitioners are passionate about what they do because they are showing people that there is another way to make decisions, solve problems, and resolve conflicts. Civic infrastructure is what’s needed in our communities, in our nation, and across the globe, in order for these practices to become simply the way things are done.

By civic infrastructure, we’re talking about the underlying systems and structures that enable people to come together to address their challenges effectively. This includes some things that would require major changes in most communities, like changing local laws and procedures so the public is consulted more effectively when a decision needs to be made on a contentious public policy issue.

But it also includes many things that practitioners can influence on a project by project basis, like whether a cadre of trained facilitators is being developed in a community they’re working with and being sure local nonprofits and government champions have access to those facilitators when they decide to engage people next.

There are many local projects underway that support civic infrastructure. One example is New Hampshire Listens, which is building a statewide infrastructure to take the successful dialogue to action techniques used by Portsmouth Listens to scale. New Hampshire Listens is working with local and statewide partners to bring people together for productive conversations that augment traditional forms of government, like town meeting or school board meetings. Their vision is to create a network of engaged communities in New Hampshire that can share their experiences and resources for getting “unstuck” and solving public problems.

NCDD is involved in a national dialogue process on mental health called Creating Community Solutions, which has been developed in a way that could potentially be replicated for different subject areas. The website’s online map in particular provides a model for connecting people and organizations locally to encourage them to self-organize dialogues with some centralized support and resource materials.

The winner of NCDD’s 2012 catalyst award on civic infrastructure is developing an infrastructure for a different kind of self-organized national dialogue. Their approach is to open up the whole process to the public – from selecting an issue to framing the discussion materials to implementing solutions.

Can you comment on what you’ve been up to since NCDD Seattle? What came out of the conference that you’re still following?

A few things of the things we’re still following and supporting from the Seattle conference are:

  •  The two NCDD catalyst award-winners and their projects—one of which is focused on developing a truly self-organized, public, national dialogue infrastructure, and the other has been experimenting with exciting ways to use mass media “infotainment” to promote participatory democracy.
  • Our emphasis on civic infrastructure has continued, partly through our involvement as one of seven Community Matters partners (a project of the Orton Family Foundation we’ve been involved in for two years which is focused on developing civic infrastructure in communities), and partly through our focus on and involvement in national dialogue efforts, which rely on communities with strong civic infrastructure in order to get to any level of scale.
  •  One or two workshops at NCDD Seattle focused on the growing challenge many public engagement practitioners are facing: organized disruptions to public meetings. I have been focusing on this behind the scenes, learning and gathering as much as I can on these unique protests, and plan to engage the broader membership in this soon.

We’ve been focused on many other projects and programs that are unrelated to the Seattle conference as well, including:

  •  Experimenting in combining “thick” and “thin” engagement by incorporating text messaging into small, simple face-to-face dialogues (part of the Creating Community Solutions project we’re involved in).
  •  Launching a series of “Tech Tuesday” webinars for our members who are interested in gaining a better understanding of how they can utilize online technology in their engagement work.
  •  Working with leading organizations in the field to promote a new set of model ordinances that local government can adopt in order to bypass some of the longstanding legal barriers to quality public engagement.

And of course much of our time is devoted to keeping the NCDD network strong, active, and valuable to our members. This is a time of extraordinary progress, momentum, and productivity in our field, and we are constantly supporting our members by highlighting their programs on our blog and social media, sharing their resources in our online resource center (which now has over 2,900 listings), and providing them with numerous spaces to connect with each other about their successes and challenges.

One thing we’re starting to do now is to gear up for the 2014 National Conference on Dialogue & Deliberation. We have a great venue secured in the DC area for October 17-19, and we’ll soon be engaging our whole network around what they’d like to see at the next conference.

You can read the original version of this piece on the Kettering Foundation blog at www.kettering.org/kfnews/connecting-communities.

Die Inanspruchnahme von Machizukuri nach dem Erdbeben von 1995 (Kobe, Japan)

Im Januar des Jahres 1995 wurde Groß-Kobe in Japan von einem sehr starken Erdbeben heimgesucht, welches unter der Bezeichnung des großen Hanshin Awaji Erdbeben bekannt geworden ist. Im März 1995 gab die Lokalregierung der Stadt Kobe Pläne für die Bestimmung von Gebieten zur Reorganisation oder zum Wiederaufbau des Landes ("Designation...

Marriage equality is not enough

Ten years ago tomorrow – on May 17, 2004 – Massachusetts began recognizing the marriages of same sex couples. The first state in the Union to do so.

Today, 17 states have the “freedom to marry” and over 38% of the U.S. population lives in a state that recognizes same-sex marriages or honors out-of-state marriages of same-sex couples.

These are victories, but it is not enough.

In my home state of California, for nearly a hundred years “all marriages of white persons with Negroes or mulattoes [were] declared to be illegal and void,” an edict which held until that state’s Supreme Court declared that “marriage is thus something more than a civil contract subject to regulation by the state; it is a fundamental right of free men.”

Of course, that 1949 ruling didn’t stop the California electorate from passing Prop 22 in 2000. The Act, stating simply that “only marriage between a man and a woman is valid or recognized in California,” was approved by 61% of the voters.

61%. In California. In 2000.

I was in high school at the time. As President of my high school’s Gay Straight Alliance, I campaigned against the proposition.

To be honest, I didn’t work that hard. It was a fun opportunity to see the insides of a political campaign, but why bother fighting too much? It was California. In 2000. Such a ballot measure could never, ever pass.

61%.

A few short months later, I had my senior prom at some ritzy, San Fransisco hotel. The photographer, who took chintzy shot after chintzy shot of young couples in their glamorous best, refused to take a photograph of me and my (female) date. He graciously included us in a group photo, but made us stand on either side. Separated by all the mix-gendered couples wrapped in embrace.

61%.

I was proud to live in Massachusetts when this state’s supreme court found marriage denial unconstitutional. I was thrilled when Margaret Marshall, Chief Justice of the Massachusetts SJC was selected as my college commencement speaker. When she told us, just days after the first same-sex marriages, that it does get better. That we can make a difference.

In the political battles that followed, I made daily pilgrimages to the Massachusetts State House. Standing in solidarity with those who would not see the the inclusive ruling over turned.

There was no constitutional amendment. Same sex-marriages continued to take place. We won. And here we are, ten years later.

These are victories, but it is not enough.

It is not enough because young men and women continue to be taunted and abused for their sexual orientation. It is not enough because, as the CDC reports, a study of LGBT middle and high school students found that 80% had been verbally harassed at school; 60% felt unsafe at school; 40% had been physically harassed at school; and 20% had been the victim of a physical assault at school.

It is not enough because lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth are more than twice as likely to have attempted suicide as their heterosexual peers. Because between 20 to 40 percent of young, homeless, people are gay or transgender – a disproportionate share for a group that makes up only 5 to 10 percent of the overall youth population.

Because another Matthew Shepard could die any day.

It is not enough.

We should celebrate our victories. Indeed. We have much to celebrate. But the battle is not over. Far from it.

A new day is dawning. There is much work to be done.

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OuiShare Awards Focus on Pioneering Commons Innovations

The French-based group OuiShare recognized five exemplary projects in the “collaborative economy” at its recent OuiShare Fest conference in Paris. The three-day event was itself was a remarkable gathering of more than 1,000 passionate fans of innovative models of sharing and mutual support. 

The OuiShare awards focused on five broad categories – collaborative consumption, open knowledge, crowdfunding and P2P banking, makers and open manufacturing, and open and horizontal governance.  With 127 applications from 31 countries, it was a rather competitive field.

The winners this year included one of my favorites, Guerrilla Translation, “a collaborative hub for authors and translators to network and share stimulating ideas internationally.”  The group describes itself as “exporters of fine interlinguistic memes,” adding: 

Guerrilla Translation is building bridges between cultures, starting with Spanish and English. We select written and video pieces with a focus on constructive change and long-range analysis, translate them, and share them.  We’re connecting authors with new audiences, and people with new ideas, shared through technology but created in a very personal, artisanal way.  We feel strongly that translation is best handled not by software, but instead, by committed and passionate translators working together to achieve the highest level of professional quality in our work.

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a different take on coherence in ethics

There have traditionally been two families of answers to the question: How can a moral belief be justified? Foundationalists think that beliefs are justified if they follow from beliefs that are somehow “foundational.” As Geoffrey Sayre-McCord writes, “traditionally, foundational beliefs have been credited with all sorts of wonderful properties, with being, for instance, infallible, or indubitable, or incorrigible, or certain” (p. 154). Foundational beliefs are also frequently assumed to be big: very general in scope and application. So the belief that all humans are created equal may be considered a worthy candidate to be foundational. Skepticism about foundationalism usually takes the form of asking: How can you tell that such beliefs are true? What justifies them?

Sayre-McCord divides the turf a bit differently, so that a foundationalist is simply someone who holds that some moral beliefs have a special status. They are “privileged.” They may nevertheless be fallible and modest in scope. They may, for example, be concrete judgments that we draw from experience. But they are privileged because their justification is not the support that they receive from other moral reasons. A foundationalist thinks that a given moral belief is justified only if it is foundational or it follows from foundational beliefs.

Coherentists say, instead, that all moral beliefs are on par. There is no privileged class. Any moral belief is justified by the other beliefs that relate to it. The reasons we give for a belief take the form of connections to other beliefs. By the way, the fact that a moral worldview (such as utilitarianism, or Judaism) coheres is not a reason to hold each of its component beliefs. Rather, the reason for each belief just is the support it gets from other beliefs. The more such support exists, the more we say that the whole coheres (p. 170). But we shouldn’t believe something just because it belongs to some coherent system.

Sayre-McCord writes, “The relative coherence of a set of beliefs is a matter of whether, and to what extent, the set exhibits (what I will call) evidential consistency, connectedness, and comprehensiveness” (p. 166). Evidential consistency could be defined as logical consistency among all the beliefs in the set, but Sayre-McCord prefers the principle that the balance of evidence in the set as a whole should not tell against any of the individual beliefs–that would be an inconsistency. Beyond evidential consistency, but you get more coherence points for having “stronger and more extensive” support among your beliefs (connectedness) and having more beliefs in your set (comprehensiveness) (p. 167).

I am trying to develop a somewhat different model, based on understanding the relations among beliefs as networks rather than sets. A network model has these advantages:

  1. It reveals much more complex and significant relationships among beliefs than simply whether each belief (A) supports another (B). It reveals characteristics–such as clustering, density, and centralization–that are important features of the whole.
  2. It avoids privileging consistency. I think morally excellent thinkers often hold ideas that are in fruitful and challenging tension with each other. Better to have a dense and complex network of ideas in which some count against others than a simpler network that is all-too-neatly consistent. Yet we can call the former “coherent” if we define coherence in network terms. Relatedly, the standard methodology of moral improvement is weeding out inconsistencies. I think that method can easily make one’s moral worldview worse. A network model suggests other methodologies, such as identifying beliefs that are central and asking whether they deserve that weight.
  3. It easily accommodates multiple levels. I have a network of personal beliefs pertinent to a particular topic that explicitly concerns me, such as my children’s school. They fit it a much larger network of other beliefs, some vague and unformed. Other people with whom I talk have their own networks. Our networks influence each other; in fact, mine came from other people and constantly changes as a result of interaction. The coherence of the community’s ideas may be more important than the coherence of my own, but both levels of analysis are worthwhile.
  4. It makes the difference between foundationalism and coherentism a matter of degree. A belief is relatively foundational to the extent that it supports or even implies a lot of other beliefs but does not have much support from other beliefs. To the degree that a network clusters around such beliefs, it is a foundationalist network. A network in which every belief has roughly equal support from other beliefs is non-foundationalist. We can then ask empirically which kind of network works better for certain important purposes, such as deliberation.

Source: Geoffrey Sayre-McCord, “Coherentist Epistemology and Moral Theory,” in Walter Sinnott-Armstrong and Mark Timmons, eds., Moral Knowledge? New Readings in Moral Epistemology (New York: Oxford, 1996), pp. 137-189.

The post a different take on coherence in ethics appeared first on Peter Levine.

NYU Launches Research Network on Opening Governance

In case you missed it, we wanted to share about an interesting new initiative on open government from NYU’s Governance Lab. The initiative will conduct research on governments that pursue innovative ways of doing their work and should be a project to keep an eye on for researchers or those interested in open governance. You can read the March announcement below or find the original here.

govlabThe Governance Lab (The GovLab) at New York University today announced the formation of a Research Network on Opening Governance, which will seek to develop blueprints for more effective and legitimate democratic institutions to help improve people’s lives.

Convened and organized by the GovLab, the MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Opening Governance is made possible by a three-year grant of $5 million from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation as well as a gift from Google.org, which will allow the Network to tap the latest technological advances to further its work.

Combining empirical research with real-world experiments, the Research Network will study what happens when governments and institutions open themselves to diverse participation, pursue collaborative problem-solving, and seek input and expertise from a range of people. Network members include twelve experts (see below) in computer science, political science, policy informatics, social psychology and philosophy, law, and communications. This core group is supported by an advisory network of academics, technologists, and current and former government officials. Together, they will assess existing innovations in governing and experiment with new practices and how institutions make decisions at the local, national, and international levels.

Support for the Network from Google.org will be used to build technology platforms to solve problems more openly and to run agile, real-world, empirical experiments with institutional partners such as governments and NGOs to discover what can enhance collaboration and decision-making in the public interest.

The Network’s research will be complemented by theoretical writing and compelling storytelling designed to articulate and demonstrate clearly and concretely how governing agencies might work better than they do today. “We want to arm policymakers and practitioners with evidence of what works and what does not,” says Professor Beth Simone Noveck, Network Chair and author of Wiki Government: How Technology Can Make Government Better, Democracy Stronger and Citi More Powerful, “which is vital to drive innovation, re-establish legitimacy and more effectively target scarce resources to solve today’s problems.”

“From prize-backed challenges to spur creative thinking to the use of expert networks to get the smartest people focused on a problem no matter where they work, this shift from top-down, closed, and professional government to decentralized, open, and smarter governance may be the major social innovation of the 21st century,” says Noveck. “The MacArthur Research Network on Opening Governance is the ideal crucible for helping  transition from closed and centralized to open and collaborative institutions of governance in a way that is scientifically sound and yields new insights to inform future efforts, always with an eye toward real-world impacts.”

MacArthur Foundation President Robert Gallucci added, “Recognizing that we cannot solve today’s challenges with yesterday’s tools, this interdisciplinary group will bring fresh thinking to questions about how our governing institutions operate, and how they can develop better ways to help address seemingly intractable social problems for the common good.”

About the Governance Lab (GovLab) at New York University

Founded in 2012, the Governance Lab (The GovLab) strives to improve people’s lives by changing how we govern. The GovLab endeavors to strengthen the ability of people and institutions to work together to solve problems, make decisions, resolve conflict and govern themselves more effectively and legitimately. The GovLab designs technology, policy and strategies for fostering these more open approaches to governance and active conceptions of citizenship and studies what works. More information is available at www.thegovlab.org.

About the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation

The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation supports creative people and effective institutions committed to building a more just, verdant, and peaceful world. In addition to selecting the MacArthur Fellows, the Foundation works to defend human rights, advance global conservation and security, make cities better places, and understand how technology is affecting children and society. More information is available at www.macfound.org.

For more information or how to become involved, contact:

Stefaan Verhulst, Chief Research and Development Officer at the Governance Lab, sv39@nyu.edu or visit http://www.opening-governance.org.

Members

The MacArthur Research Network on Opening Governance comprises:

Chair: Beth Simone Noveck

Network Coordinator: Andrew Young

Chief of Research: Stefaan Verhulst

Faculty Members:

  • Sir Tim Berners-Lee (Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT)/University of Southampton, UK)
  • Deborah Estrin (Cornell Tech/Weill Cornell Medical College)
  • Erik Johnston (Arizona State University)
  • Henry Farrell (George Washington University)
  • Sheena S. Iyengar (Columbia Business School/Jerome A. Chazen Institute of International Business)
  • Karim Lakhani (Harvard Business School)
  • Anita McGahan (University of Toronto)
  • Cosma Shalizi (Carnegie Mellon/Santa Fe Institute)

Institutional Members:

  • Christian Bason and Jesper Christiansen (MindLab, Denmark)
  • Geoff Mulgan (National Endowment for Science Technology and the Arts – NESTA, United Kingdom)
  • Lee Rainie (Pew Research Center)

The Network is eager to hear from and engage with the public as it undertakes its work. Please contact Stefaan Verhulst to share your ideas or identify opportunities to collaborate.

The original version of this announcement can be found at http://thegovlab.org/new-research-network-to-study-and-design-innovative-ways-of-solving-public-problems.