August 2013 Higher Education Engagement News

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Higher Education Engagement News is a periodic newsletter that responds to the request from many people for continuing updates and information about initiatives and groups associated with the American Commonwealth Partnership in 2012. It is edited by Harry C. Boyte.  This issue features a shortened version of the address that Adam Weinberg, incoming president of Denison University, just gave to Ohio Campus Compact. Weinberg is former president of World Learning, and served on the National Council of ACP. Here, he articulates themes animating the American Commonwealth Partnership.

A note on a new book by Thomas Ehrlich and Ernestine Fu on the related theme of “civic work” is at the end.

Preparing a Generation to do Public Work
Address to Ohio Campus Compact August 7, 2013
Adam Weinberg, President, Denison University

Over the last twenty years, I have been an active participant in Campus Compact in New York and Vermont. I am excited to join the Ohio Campus Compact community. Like many academics of my generation, I owe part of my career to Campus Compact. When I arrived at Colgate University in the early 1990s, it was difficult to get a service learning class approved by the faculty. It was the leadership of Campus Compact that paved the way.

As I scan the higher education landscape, I feel heartened by the civic education efforts that are underway. In many respects, higher education has re-found its civic roots. Still, I worry that our impact is not what it needs to be, that John Saltmarsh was right when he wrote, “While the movement [to date] has created some change, it has also plateaued.”

What do we need to do? For the last eight years, I have had a great adventure in civic education with World Learning, one of the largest global civic education and engagement organizations with about 10,000 people participating in its programs each year. Doing this work, I became struck by a tension between the possible and the likely. The possible is huge. We have the knowledge, methods, processes and physical tools, and the locally rooted assets to address climate change, human rights abuses, water shortages, lack of jobs, conflict and other critical global issues. What we lack is the capacity to come together as human beings and organize ourselves to use our social technology and assets to address the problems.

This is the central challenge of preparing a new generation to see civic opportunity and to engage in public work. Public work is the ability to move beyond seeing civic opportunity to actually working with others to create things of lasting social value, the essence of a free and democratic society. I would argue that public work is the defining outcome we are aiming for when we talk about civic education and community-engagement efforts.

Our students have the desire and ambitions, but lack the capacity to do public work. It is a creative generation that has great ideas for making change happen. It is a generation filled with citizens, social innovators and community activists. But too many aspiring young people lack the skills and habits to act on these passions.  For example: to be an effective citizen, one needs to be able to effectively work with people you don’t like. Modern institutions prepare our students to do the opposite. We use technology to interact with those who already agree with us. Our daily lives are shaped by social institutions that demonize those who hold different views. Higher education is going to have to fill that void.

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Modeling the Rise in Internet-based Petitions

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By Taha Yasseri, Scott A. Hale, and Helen Margetts (Oxford Internet Institute)

Collective action taking place on Internet platforms leaves a digital imprint which may be harvested to better understand the dynamics of mobilization. This ‘big data’ offers social science researchers the potential for new forms of analysis, using real-time transactional data based on entire populations, rather than sample-based surveys of what people think they did or might do. This paper uses a big data approach to track the growth of about 20,000 petitions to the UK Government over two years, analyzing the rate of growth and the outreach mechanism. The number of signatures was collected for all petitions with an hourly resolution. The vast majority of petitions did not achieve any measure of success; over 99 percent failed to get the 10,000 signatures required for an official response, and only 0.1 percent attained the 100,000 required for a parliamentary debate. We analyze the data through a multiplicative process model framework to explain the growth of signatures. We have defined and measured an average outreach factor for petitions and show that it decays very fast (reducing to 0.1% after 10 hours); after 24 hours, a petition’s fate is virtually set.

Read the full paper here [PDF].

And if you are interested in e-petitions, you may also like this. 


young people on guns and gun control

A Black Youth project study entitled “Gun Violence and Public Opinion on Gun Control among America’s Young People” presents data that should be basic to the national debate, along with some relatively surprising findings. First, almost half of White youth (18-29) recently carried a gun or know someone who did. Less than one in four Black and Latino youth report that experience. Yet Black and Latino youth are much more supportive of gun control. Given a choice between protecting the rights of gun owners versus controlling gun ownership, Black youth favor control by a three-to-one margin, but a majority of White youth prefer gun owners’ rights. Two-thirds of Black and Latino youth would ban assault weapons, versus just over half of White youth. Perhaps more interesting is the finding that two thirds of Black youth support having “More police/armed guards in public places like schools and malls.” Considering the frequent tensions and complaints involving those guards, that is interesting. It may reflect something of a Hobson’s choice: more guns or more armed guards. After all, almost one quarter of Black youth say that they or someone they know “experienced gun violence in the last year,” versus just 8.3% of White youth.

 

 

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Audio from August Confab Call with Rich Harwood

We had a great confab call on Wednesday (August 7, 2013) with special guest Rich Harwood of The Harwood Institute for Public Innovation. The call was facilitated skillfully by Marla Crockett, NCDD’s Board chair and a close colleague of Rich’s.

Earlier this year, Rich was asked to facilitate a series of meetings in Newtown, CT to help the grieving city decide what to do with Sandy Hook Elementary School, site of the horrific mass murder of children and school personnel last December. We asked Rich to talk to NCDD members about his work in Newtown, and the broader work he and his colleagues are doing at the highly regarded Harwood Institute.

Confab bubble imageUse the links below to listen to the audio recording of the call and check out other call-related material.

We had over 120 participants this week, with about half active the call’s collaborative doc at Hackpad.com, where they took great notes, introduced themselves, posed questions and shared links.  One of our participants even mind-mapped the confab conversation, and that link is on the Hackpad as well!

Through community conversations, constant innovation, and nationwide research, The Harwood Institute has developed an approach that’s helped cities, organizations, and individuals “Turn Outward” and build on public aspirations to get things done for the common good. Rich has worked in struggling communities such as Newark, Detroit, and Flint, Michigan and has created a group of “Beacon Communities” to develop a critical mass of public innovators. He’s partnered with influential organizations like United Way Worldwide, the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, and the American Library Association in order to enhance their relevance and impact in the communities they serve.

His latest book, The Work of Hope, asserts that fixing our politics shouldn’t be our top priority. “The central task in our society is to restore belief in ourselves and one another that we can get things done, together.” It was that philosophy which guided Rich’s work in Newtown and brought about an emotional, yet harmonious, decision.

CommunityMatters Call + $500 = Be There

The next CommunityMatters conference call on Thursday, August 22nd will feature Ed McMahon, Senior Fellow at the Urban Land Institute, and his “Secrets of Successful Communities.”

CommunityMatters is encouraging anyone – individuals, local organizations or community groups – to organize “listening parties” for people to come together, listen and discuss how Ed’s call relates to their city or town. As a bonus, the Orton Family Foundation is offering four (4) $500 awards to groups that hold parties and decide to take action as a result.

Learn more at www.communitymatters.org/communitymatters-listening-parties.

CommunityMatters helps cities and towns steward change by fostering “civic infrastructure” – the systems and structures that give people the power and the tools to solve their community’s problems and shape its future.  NCDD is a CommunityMatters Partner, along with the Deliberative Democracy Consortium, Grassroots Grantmakers, New America Foundation, Orton Family Foundation, Project for Public Spaces, and Strong Towns.

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Group Decision Tip: Love

In principle, it is love that truly changes hearts and transforms people, not power or rules. It is love that compels sustained changes in behavior, not oaths or doctrines. It is love that provides a willingness to give and it is love that helps us accept, let go, and find peace.

Group Decision Tips IconMost group decision-making models encourage that we not include love in the mix. We’re supposed to be objective, rational, unemotional. This works well on the field of battle where the goal is to beat the other guys. But it doesn’t work well when we are trying to find win-win solutions, peaceful solutions. Peace asks us to love our neighbors.

Practical Tip: It’s okay to allow love into your group decision making. This means encouraging passion…and compassion. It means treating everyone as a valued contributor, and no one as an enemy. It means making decisions not just with your head, but also with your heart. It means paying attention not only to the best available knowledge, but to wisdom.

I once heard someone say that “Wisdom equals knowledge plus love.”

having one conversation for 26 years

(Salem, MA) I am here for a retreat of the Jonathan M. Tisch College of Citizenship and Public Service, where I work. In the summer of 1987, I came here for a retreat of the Charles M. Kettering Foundation, where I served as an intern between my sophomore and junior years in college. I’ve been back to Salem since then–we don’t live very far away now–but I recollect the first retreat forcefully. Early impressions bite deeply; later experiences just leave surface scratches.

The 1987 retreat was my first business trip: we could charge meals and get reimbursed for them. It was one of my first times sitting around open tables with water pitchers and notepads, talking about what an organization should do. (How many hundreds of such meetings have I attended since?) It was not my first time in an old city, because I had been privileged to spend years of my childhood in Europe, but it was my first time in an old American town. I remember thinking that Salem’s crooked, narrow streets and houses with historic placards were exotic. And it was one of my first discussions about civic engagement: why do Americans not participate as much as we would like in civil society and politics, and what should we do about that?

Now I am grey and “experienced,” a board member of the Kettering Foundation instead of an intern. We’ve seen Prague Spring, Bowling Alone, Points of Light and AmeriCorps, the Tea Party, Occupy. I can’t remember the conversation in 1987 well enough to be sure, but I would bet our analysis is more sophisticated now. People at the 1987 retreat–and many of their colleagues–have done important and valuable things in the past quarter-century. The large-scale trends, however, have mostly been for the worse.

indicators of civic engagement (DDB = DDB Needham Life Styles Survey. GSS = General Social Survey)

If I’m fortunate still to be having these conversations in 2039, I hope we will be able to point to upward trends, not necessarily in the measures depicted above (for instance, newspapers will probably be defunct), but in their functional equivalents.

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Die nationalen Konferenzen öffentlicher Ordnung in Brasilien

Author: 
Die nationalen Konferenzen öffentlicher Ordnung (conferências nacionais de políticas públicas) sind die wohl größten und einflussreichsten partizipativen Erfahrungen, die Brasilien gerade erlebt. Die nationalen Konferenzen bestehen aus Ebenen von Deliberation und Partizipation, die dazu geschaffen worden sind, um Richtlinien für die Formulierung öffentlicher Politik auf föderaler Ebene zu errichten. Sie sind durch die Ministerien und Sekretariate der Exekutive einberufen worden, behandeln verschiedene Politikfelder und –Themen, und erfordern ebenbürtige Partizipation von Regierung und Zivilgesellschaft. Es ist vorgeschrieben, dass den nationalen Konferenzen Deliberationen auf kommunaler, staatlicher oder regionaler Ebene vorausgehen. Die aggregierten Ergebnisse dieser Deliberationen sind das Thema der nationalen Konferenzen, die von Delegierten der vorausgegangenen Runden besucht werden. Am Ende wird ein finales Dokument mit Richtlinien für die Struktur öffentlicher Ordnung produziert, das das Resultat eines langen Prozesses von Deliberation und Konsensfindung zwischen Regierung und Zivilgesellschaft darstellt. [1]

keeping the state close or at a distance

(Salem, MA) This is a table from a chapter of mine entitled “Social Accountability as Public Work.”* (You can click to expand it.)

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The table refers to two examples from the same volume. In his chapter, Samuel Paul describes how nongovernmental organizations in Bangalore surveyed representative citizens to develop “report cards” for municipal agencies. When the press publicized the results of the surveys, government officials took action to remedy the problems that the citizens had identified. Sometimes, processes like these are actually launched by governments to fight corruption. The Obama Administration’s transparency initiatives (now forgotten because of the NSA surveillance story, but actually quite significant in their own way) reflect a similar model–information is supposed to activate and inform citizens to improve government.

In her chapter, Lily Tsai describes Chinese village temple community councils that organize religious and communal activities. Members directly produce public goods through their own hands-on work. Local governmental officials are discouraged from leading the councils, which are religious bodies, “but as ordinary members of the temple group, they diligently fulfill their obligations to contribute to the good of the group.” Tsai also describes government officials involved in a similar group who “used their personal connections with higher level officials to secure a bank loan” for the organization.

In both stories, citizens influence the state. But the relationship is very different: detached in one case, highly cooperative in the other. I think persuasive arguments can be made for both kinds of relationship, and both have perils (alienation on one hand, corruption and bias on the other). The two stories also represent divergent models of citizens, who are seen as monitors in the Bangalore case and as producers of public goods in the Chinese temples. Ultimately, I think we need a bit of both; I doubt that transparency measures will make much difference  unless people are also organized and active in groups that provide direct services.

*in Sina Odugbemi and Taeku Lee, eds, Accountability through Public Opinion: From Inertia to Public Action (Washington, DC: The World Bank, 2011), pp. 291-306

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