Bauwens: Use a Peer Production License to Foster “Open Cooperativism”

Michel Bauwens of the P2P Foundation recently published a short essay noting that the economic fruits of peer production in today’s world tend to be captured by capitalists – whereas what we really need is a system to enable capital accumulation for and by commoners themselves.  To that end, Bauwens embraces the idea of a Peer Production License, as designed and proposed by Dmitri Kleiner.  

The idea is to emancipate online commons from the control of capital and corporations, and to enable cooperatives working within the market system to reorient themselves to the larger common good, and not just their members. Bauwens’ essay, originally published on the P2P Foundation blogfollows below:

The labor/p2p/commons movements today are faced with a paradox.

On the one hand we have a re-emergence of the cooperative movement and worked-owned enterprises, but they suffer from structural weaknesses. Cooperative entities work for their own members, are reluctant to accept new cooperators that would share existing profits and benefits, and are practitioners of the same proprietary knowledge and artificial scarcities as their capitalist counterparts. Even though they are internally democratic, they often participate in the same dynamics of capitalist competition which undermines their own cooperative values.

On the other hand, we have an emergent field of open and commons-oriented peer production in fields such as free software, open design and open hardware, which do create common pools of knowledge for the whole of humanity, but at the same time, are dominated by both start-ups and large multinational enterprises using the same commons.

Thus, we need a new convergence or synthesis, a ‘open cooperativism’, that combines both commons-oriented open peer production models, with common ownership and governance models such as those of the cooperatives and the solidarity economic models. What follows is a more detailed argument on how such transition could be achieved.

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Action and Isolation

At first glance action and isolation may not seem like antonyms, but consider those words in the following ways:

Action is a process. It is exerting a force, or perhaps, multiple forces. It implies interaction between a least two objects – or perhaps, an object and subject. Action implies change over time.

Isolation is a state of being. It is stillness, loneliness – emptiness, perhaps. It implies a complete lack of interaction. Solitude. Isolation implies stagnation – a lack of change from a lack of interaction.

It is no surprise that society as a whole should favor action. Even the height of American isolationism didn’t imply that proud Americans shouldn’t seek each other’s company. We wanted to be isolated with those who were like us – not isolated on our own.

Action is the foundation of society. If we all went to the woods because we wished to live deliberately, there would be no society left. “Communal life is moral,” wrote Philosopher John Dewey, adding, “that is emotionally, intellectually, consciously sustained.”

Isolation, on the other hand, is generally frowned upon. A list of synonyms includes confinement, desolation, aloofness, detachment, exile, withdrawal. Am I the only one who thinks none of those sound good?

At best, isolation is seen as a phase of development, a period to grow out of. For seven weeks, Siddhārtha Gautama meditated in isolation under the Bodhi tree. He achieved enlightenment and emerged Gautama Buddha. He traveled and taught others what he had learned.

After being baptized, Jesus fasted for forty days and nights in the Judaean Desert – in isolation save the temptations of the devil. He emerged cared for by angels and prepared for public ministry.

Even Thoreau returned from the woods.

But why is isolation bad? Is it positive only as a tool to improve interactions upon our return?

That seems unfair. There is power in stillness, in loneliness – in emptiness even. Isolation can be calming, centering, enlightening.

Perhaps, after achieving enlightenment, we do have a duty to action – to share our lessons of isolation with others. But I can’t shake the feeling that by devaluing isolation we are doing ourselves a disservice.

Not that we should devalue action instead. I imagine we might all fall along a spectrum – some of us gregarious in our most isolated moments, and others isolated in our most gregarious moments.

They say there’s nothing worse than being alone in a crowd, but I’m not prepared to judge you for it.

I could sit under a tree for seven years and fail to achieve enlightenment. Would it be wrong of me not to give up? To remain in isolation seeking an unachievable goal?

Someone recently joked that society would be better if certain people choose isolation over action. The action, of course, is not always for the better.

So where does this leave us? Must we choose action or isolation? Can we embrace both as different modes of being, of existing?

Perhaps most of us will alternate between the two – embracing equally action and isolation. But a few will commit to one path. Always choosing the crowd or always alone.

Some of us will choose isolation.

And – perhaps that’s okay.

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the rise of urban citizenship

(Detroit) James Holston’s “current research examines the worldwide insurgence of democratic urban citizenships.” In this post, I’ll share what I took away from his excellent keynote talk about the recent uprisings in Sao Paolo and Istanbul. (I think he would tie the evidence together in a different way to support a somewhat different argument.)

Various cities are issuing formal identity cards to residents–regardless of national citizenship–that entitle the residents to services. Holston said that New Haven was the first US city to do this, and San Francisco now offers free preventative medical care to all its residents. I would add that Takoma Park, MD allows all residents (age 16+) to vote in municipal elections even if they are not US citizens.

Meanwhile, a whole series of great cities around the world have seen mass uprisings in which hundreds of thousands of people take over the central squares. They raise diverse issues (global, national/political, ethnic, religious), but often they talk specifically about their city. Thus the Istanbul protests started in response to a redevelopment plan for Taksim Square; and in Sao Paolo, the impetus was a bus fare increase.

The repertoire of protest acts (mechanisms and processes) used in these cities has not been particularly original. But one could imagine that a new form of politics and citizenship is arising. After all, the vast cities of the world have these features:

They are big enough that their policies really count. Their populations are larger than those of many nation-states, and they are global economic hot spots. At the same time, they are small enough that everyone can get to a central spot within a day, and you can visualize the city as a whole.

They have not traditionally had border-controls. Residents come and go at will. (I acknowledge exceptions, as in China; but even there, I think the border controls are pretty porous.) San Francisco’s citizenship is defined by the city’s residency card, but the city does not decide who has a right to it; people decide by moving in. That is a different kind of citizenship. And in the case of cities that are magnets for global migration, from Johannesburg to LA, many residents are not legal citizens of the surrounding nation-state.

Because of its density, the city’s population is interdependent. Maybe the top one percent can fly over the city’s crime and congestion in helicopters, but the middle class suffers in (loose) tandem with the poor. That is less true at the level of the nation-state.

The city is simply a locus of power that can change its policies and governing philosophy even if the nation-state is sclerotic or corrupt.

We conspicuously make the city with our labor and our bodies.  The physical evidence of our effort is all around us, taking the concrete form of buildings, cars, signs, crowds. Thus the right to citizenship can be grounded on people’s creation of the city (and workers can have pride of place as citizens). In contrast, we didn’t literally make the United States, so it’s hard to claim that our labor gives us the right to it. God made Brazil; people make Sao Paolo.

Those were the unique features of cities that occurred to me while Holston was speaking. From the floor, I asked him what made big cities special, and he added:

  • The sheer “density of opportunity” for political action.
  • The fact that poverty, isolation, and anonymity sometimes spur urbanites to act politically, whereas the same factors suppress action in rural areas and small towns. (This sounded to me like the reverse of Mao’s doctrine that the revolution would begin in the countryside.)
  • The city is a seat of power. Traditionally, the city houses the cathedral, the parliament building, the castle, the university–all the concrete locations of power over the larger polity.

The post the rise of urban citizenship appeared first on Peter Levine.

Kosmos Journal – and My Conversation with James Quilligan

Kosmos Journal is on the move.  It has recently revamped its website, and it looks beautiful!  Many new features and a great design. Kosmos has also initiated several new projects such as a “Global Ambassadors Program” to give the magazine greater global visibility; a study of the transformational “Shift” now underway; and a new bi-monthly newsletter.

A few weeks ago, Nancy Roof, Founding Editor of Kosmos invited me to sit down with James Quilligan, a friend, international development thinker and frequent contributor to Kosmos on commons-related themes.  With video cameras rolling, we talked about some of the most urgent issues facing the commons today and promising new directions for the movement.  A video of our 30-minute conversation can be seen here.  We covered a wide number of topics, from the most recent round of enclosures to some of the strategic needs that the commons movement must address.    

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Characters of Westward Expansion

In 1848, Sam Brannan – an ex-communicated Mormon – ran through the streets of San Francisco yelling that there was gold in the foothills. Of course, this man who single-handedly started the gold rush bought up all the picks, pans and mining equipment he could find before announcing the discovery to the world.

In 1859, San Fransisco resident Joshua Norton – an Englishman who came to the city by way of South Africa – declared himself Emperor of these United States. Norton I: Emperor of the United States and Protector of Mexico, later dissolved congress, saying:

It is represented to us that the universal suffrage, as now existing through the Union, is abused; that fraud and corruption prevent a fair and proper expression of the public voice; that open violation of the laws are constantly occurring, caused by mobs, parties, factions and undue influence of political sects; that the citizen has not that protection of person and property which he is entitled to by paying his pro rata of the expense of Government–in consequence of which, WE do hereby abolish Congress.

Over the years, he issued several other decrees, printed his own currency, and continued to insist his title was Emperor. How did San Fransisco respond? They called him Emperor and local establishments accepted his currency.

In 1863, Lillie Coit became an honorary member of the “Knickerbocker 5″ volunteer fire fighters unit. This woman wore pants, fought fires, smoked cigars and gambled. It was all very scandalous, except nobody cared – she was just another character in a thriving city. Coit Tower, shaped like a fire hose nozzle (possibly apocryphal), now stands in her memory.

These folks – and many more I’ve failed to mention – may have been a little eccentric, and possibly mentally ill, but they were part of the life blood of San Fransisco. Part of character of westward expansion.

The people who settled California in these decades were exploring the final frontier. They came from around the globe. All of them were outsiders. Many of them hoped to find something in this “undiscovered” country. Most of them were crazy in one sense of the word or another.

The laws of high society hadn’t quite made it out here. The rough and tumble attitude allowed unique characters to thrive. This, of course, wasn’t always for the best – I understand the “Shanghai-ers” formed a union as they carted men off in the night to serve aboard ships.

And this isn’t some ancient, long forgotten history. These are the stories I heard growing up. These are the heroes I was taught to admire.

To be honest, California is still a little rough and tumble and it’s certainly still home to many colorful characters. We may be misfits without high society to keep us proper, but…it’s all good, man. We get by.

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Peacebuilders Dialogue in NYC on Mar. 27th

We are pleased to share the announcement below from our partners at the Network for Peace through Dialogue, an NCDD organizational member. They’ll be hosting a wonderful dialogue event next Thursday in NYC that we encourage you to attend if you’re in the area. You can see the announcement below or visit www.networkforpeace.com for more info.

network for peace

The Network for Peace through Dialogue continues its PEACEBUILDERS SERIES

JOIN US! Thursday March 27, 6:30-9:00 pm

An evening with Jane Hughes Gignoux

Each of these Living Room Dialogues is held from 6:30 pm to 9:00 pm at the Network office, 240 East 93 Street, Apt. #3H. NYC.  We begin with sharing some food. Please bring a snack to share. Space is limited.  Call 212-426-5818 to sign up.

Jane Hughes Gignoux, storyteller, author gives witness to what’s involved in her moving away from living a “win/lose” life into a reality of interconnectedness and interdependence, in partnership all the way with spirit.

two conversations about citizenship

(Detroit) I’m delighted to be at Wayne State University for my second visit to the Center for the Study of Citizenship’s annual national conference. I have just arrived, but the titles and abstracts reinforce my view that there are really two discussions about citizenship.

In the first discussion, citizenship basically means membership in some kind of political entity or regime. The opposite of a citizen is an alien or outsider, but there are various possible conditions between belonging and being fully alien–states that Elizabeth Cohen calls “semi-citizenship.”  Questions arise about who does or should belong to which kind of regime, what rights and obligations membership brings or should bring, and what members feel or should feel (subjectively) about themselves and their fellow members.

In the second discussion, citizenship means civic engagement, or taking action of some kind in the public sphere. One opposite of a citizen, in this sense, is a bystander or a consumer. Another opposite is a policymaker or officeholder, if we choose to divide the state from civil society. (In Harry Boyte’s view, it’s important that policymakers are citizens.) In this second discussion, the issues that arise include: who engages, what makes them engage, whether civic engagement is good, and what active people achieve.

The two conversations do relate to each other. For instance, you cannot engage as an active citizen by voting if the state deems you ineligible to vote by virtue of age, a felony conviction, or immigration status. But even then, you can act in many other ways. Overall, I would say that the two discourses of citizenship are pretty separate.

The post two conversations about citizenship appeared first on Peter Levine.

New Pew Study Maps Twitter Conversations

We saw an intriguing article last month over at the PewResearch Internet Project that we thought might interest some of our social media- and tech-oriented members. Pew has compiled some very impressive amounts of data on the patterns that we can find in political conversation on Twitter that may hold insights for us as practitioners. The results are fascinating.

It’s not news to us at NCDD that social media has become an important part of our public life:

Social media is increasingly home to civil society, the place where knowledge sharing, public discussions, debates, and disputes are carried out. As the new public square, social media conversations are as important to document as any other large public gathering. Network maps of public social media discussions in services like Twitter can provide insights into the role social media plays in our society.

Especially for those of us who aren’t so tech-savvy, it is quite a challenge to make sense of what all of the conversation in the Twittersphere means. But as the Pew analysis shows, there are a few distinctive patterns that develop regularly: 

Conversations on Twitter create networks with identifiable contours as people reply to and mention one another in their tweets. These conversational structures differ, depending on the subject and the people driving the conversation. Six structures are regularly observed: divided, unified, fragmented, clustered, and inward and outward hub and spoke structures. These are created as individuals choose whom to reply to or mention in their Twitter messages and the structures tell a story about the nature of the conversation.

If a topic is political, it is common to see two separate, polarized crowds take shape. They form two distinct discussion groups that mostly do not interact with each other. Frequently these are recognizably liberal or conservative groups. The participants within each separate group commonly mention very different collections of website URLs and use distinct hashtags and words.

The split is clearly evident in many highly controversial discussions: people in clusters that we identified as liberal used URLs for mainstream news websites, while groups we identified as conservative used links to conservative news websites and commentary sources. At the center of each group are discussion leaders, the prominent people who are widely replied to or mentioned in the discussion. In polarized discussions, each group links to a different set of influential people or organizations that can be found at the center of each conversation cluster.

Unfortunately, the initial analysis seems to confirm that the polarization dynamic that dialogue practitioners see all too often applies to online conversation, as well. Whether in person or digitally, political conversation can have the effect of splitting people into groups that communicate only sparingly with each other.

But for what it’s worth, these aren’t necessarily average people that we’re talking about:

While these polarized crowds are common in political conversations on Twitter, it is important to remember that the people who take the time to post and talk about political issues on Twitter are a special group. Unlike many other Twitter members, they pay attention to issues, politicians, and political news, so their conversations are not representative of the views of the full Twitterverse. Moreover, Twitter users are only 18% of internet users and 14% of the overall adult population. Their demographic profile is not reflective of the full population. Additionally, other work by the Pew Research Center has shown that tweeters’ reactions to events are often at odds with overall public opinion— sometimes being more liberal, but not always. Finally, forthcoming survey findings from Pew Research will explore the relatively modest size of the social networking population who exchange political content in their network.

Thankfully, there is a lot more that to be gained from social media mapping than confirmation of what we already knew. The development of these analysis tools can shed a new light on the ways that our social networks work:

…the structure of these Twitter conversations says something meaningful about political discourse these days and the tendency of politically active citizens to sort themselves into distinct partisan camps. Social networking maps of these conversations provide new insights because they combine analysis of the opinions people express on Twitter, the information sources they cite in their tweets, analysis of who is in the networks of the tweeters, and how big those networks are. And to the extent that these online conversations are followed by a broader audience, their impact may reach well beyond the participants themselves…

Social network maps of Twitter crowds and other collections of social media can be created with innovative data analysis tools that provide new insight into the landscape of social media. These maps highlight the people and topics that drive conversations and group behavior – insights that add to what can be learned from surveys or focus groups or even sentiment analysis of tweets. Maps of previously hidden landscapes of social media highlight the key people, groups, and topics being discussed.

There is much more to learn from this research project than we can cover here. But if you want to learn more, you can find both the summary and the full-length analysis of Pew’s research at www.pewinternet.org/2014/02/20/mapping-twitter-topic-networks-from-polarized-crowds-to-community-clusters. You will find fascinating data, visualizations, and much more. Happy reading!

Aiming for Imperfection

Shoot for the moon, the common saying goes. Even if you miss, you’ll land among the stars.

Then, of course, there’s the more skeptical version of that expression:
Shoot for the Moon. If you miss, you’ll end up co-orbiting the Sun alongside Earth, living out your days alone in the void within sight of the lush, welcoming home you left behind.

So what is a person to do? Is it better to dream the impossible dream or to manage expectations?

Are the two mutually exclusive?

Maybe, maybe not. Aiming for perfection is all well and good – it’s when that aspiration meets the real world that things get dicey.

First, there’s the practical problem. If you do all things perfectly all of the time – you really aren’t accomplishing much at all. Perfection is an ideal. It arguably doesn’t exist. As Voltaire wrote in La Bégueule:

Dans ses écrits, un sage Italien
Dit que le mieux est l’ennemi du bien.

In his writings, a wise Italian
says that the best is the enemy of the good
.

Perfect’s not so perfect any more if the task never gets done.

Perhaps perfection is going too far, but perhaps one could still aim for perfection and settle for above average.

The challenge here is not so much where you aim, but where you land. If you really aim for perfection – work for it with everything you’ve got and pour your heart and soul into getting there – will you really be satisfied with good enough? Even if that good enough is above average, that’s still mighty short of perfection.

And that’s a recipe for disappointment. Perhaps even a recipe for assuming failure.

Arguably, that sense of failure could lead you to try harder next time – to be better next time. But, it seems to me, that sense of failure is just as likely to set you off on a downward spiral of accepting defeat before you’ve begun.

I don’t think there’s a formula that works for everyone. But I do wonder if we can blur the lines a little more than they’re typically blurred. Sort of a hope for the best, plan for the worst model.

Perhaps, instead, I would propose something like this:

Shoot for the moon – but if the conditions are unfavorable, reschedule the launch for tomorrow. That’s better than dying in space.

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