is the US a racial democracy?

My friend Jason Stanley and his colleague Vesla Weaver have written an important New York Times piece arguing that the US is a “racial democracy,” by which they really mean a society that fails to be a democracy because of racial injustice. They argue that:

  1. Compared to other Americans and other groups around the globe, African Americans are far more likely to be targeted by the police, arrested, tried, convicted, and incarcerated. These disparities are far out of proportion to any differences in actual criminality.
  2. Involuntary contact with the criminal justice system suppresses political participation. Not only do felony convictions and prison sentences directly block voting, but being stopped, questioned, and/or searched by the police also reduces turnout. Stanley and Weaver note that 90 percent of the times when police stop young minorities, no evidence of wrongdoing is found.
  3. Disenfranchisement is a profound injustice. The authors cite Aristotle to the effect that “humans fully realize their nature in political participation, in the form of discussions and decision making with their fellow citizens about the affairs of state. To be barred from political participation is, for Aristotle, the most grievous possible affront to human dignity.”

I would endorse the argument and even add three points to it:

  • Black students are far more likely to be subjected to harsh discipline within schools, and that has also been found to suppress political participation (whereas feeling that one is a valued member of a school community encourages political engagement). Evidently, the school represents the state and sends a powerful message of exclusion or inclusion.
  • Several studies find that felony disenfranchisement laws depress the turnout of people who were never convicted of felonies, especially African Americans, in part by reducing the amount of election-related activity in their communities. In other words, if many residents cannot vote because they have felony convictions, canvassers don’t bother with the whole neighborhood.
  • Especially in poor minority neighborhoods, police sometimes shut down other forms of civic engagement beside voting. In one of our focus groups in Baltimore, for example, a young man said, “Democracy is … where everybody has an opinion. Like you got some places, it’s dictatorships where the people don’t have any opinion on nothing. … Because like everybody said here they had a situation where the police have come into your neighborhoods and told you all to go back in the house or do this or do that.  You know, so that’s not democracy.”

But although I generally endorse the argument, I do want to raise a complication. If one simply surveys a national sample of young Americans using a high-quality method, young African Americans will report voting at a rate at least as high as that of young White Americans. We find that pattern in our own surveys (calling cell phones as well as landlines), and the US Census finds it, too. According to the Census, 58 percent of African-American youth voted in 2008, the highest turnout rate of any youth racial/ethnic group since 1972. This is a surprising result because educational attainment and income strongly predict turnout, and young Black Americans still lag on those measures. One would conclude that being Black is, net of other factors, a positive correlate of voting.

To be sure, these surveys omit incarcerated youth, a point that Stanley and Weaver make, citing Becky Pettit’s book, Invisible Men: Mass Incarceration and the Myth of Black Progress. The omission of prison populations from polls is a blatant problem, and a subtler bias could arise if the same factors that suppress turnout (e.g., harsh school discipline and unfair encounters with police) also reduce the likelihood of answering a survey.

Nevertheless, the high turnout of young African Americans who participate in surveys is a significant fact. Stanley and Weaver say, “one in 9 young black American men experienced the historic 2008 election from their prison and jail cells.” That implies roughly six percent of all young Blacks (including women), and even subtracting that proportion from the turnout rate in surveys would still leave a high level of voter participation. We wouldn’t predict that pattern if all we saw was a set of White-dominated institutions suppressing Black political participation. They try to do that, but they get some pushback. African Americans respond by mobilizing, with some support from outside the community. This does not excuse the injustice, but I think we get a distorted picture of “democracy” if we see only the policies of official institutions and neglect the agency of citizens.

The post is the US a racial democracy? appeared first on Peter Levine.

Beyond Mandela — South Africa’s Lesson for the World

I saw the movie Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom in East London over the holidays with my daughter Jae. We were vacationing nearby with my South African in-laws, in the Eastern Cape village of Kei Mouth. A few weeks before, dignitaries from around the world - Joyce Banda, president of Malawi, Prince Charles of Great Britain, Alain Juppė, former Prime Minister of France and many others -- had come into the Eastern Cape for Nelson Mandela's funeral in the village of Qunu.

Seeing the movie was another occasion, beyond the funeral, to reflect on what South African experiences have to teach the world. The lesson involves much more than the example of an iconic leader "for the ages," or the message of "forgiveness" embodied in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The real lesson is that it takes a great array of talents and capacities, not a superhero or a saint, to make large scale democratic change.

The movie powerfully conveyed the message of forgiveness. The treatment of Mandela himself, moreover, was much better than I had feared. It didn't remove Mandela from politics or the culture of his origins, nor turn him into a saint, in the fashion of many of the commemorations.

It shows that Mandela's capacities for forgiveness and generosity were rooted in his remarkable political savvy and long range political vision. In contrast, both Winnie Madikizela-Mandela and the young militants Mandela encountered on Robbin Island substituted moral outrage for sober, disciplined politics.

Mandela, the movie, includes Mandela's televised speech to the nation in 1992, during a period of growing violence. He seeks to educate the people about constructive politics. For instance, he tells black South Africans that anger, legitimate as it is, cannot turn to violence if the nation is have a viable future. They need to win through ballots, not bullets (especially since the government has the military power).

But what is lost in the movie is the basic truth that the transition in South Africa was the work of millions of people, not a single man. When one man is at the center, others have no ownership in change.

In Mandela, aside from a few who take part in the anti-apartheid protests, whites are portrayed simply as oppressors driven by fear to acts of brutal suppression. Missing entirely are the discussions, debates, cultural transformations and constructive public work in a myriad of families, religious institutions, businesses, professions, media outlets, schools and universities and government itself, as millions of whites came to the understanding that apartheid was untenable and unjust.

These are embodied in the large scale work of the Institute for a Democratic Alternative in South Africa which I described in my recent Huffington Post blog on "The people's politics of Nelson Mandela." Idasa alone involved tens of thousands of whites in a "politics of engagement" that educated them about the reality of black people's lives and built bridges across the widening racial chasm. The arduous political work of "going home" to make change in communities full of racial (or other kinds of) bigotry is a lesson needed everywhere.

An even larger omission may be the vast process of civic learning which took place among South African blacks as they developed new capacities for collective problem-solving and a new pride in black culture. Aside from Mandela and a few of his comrades in the ANC, blacks appear in Mandela only as victims or as defiant protestors.

Here, it is useful to recall a distinction from the American civil rights movement used by leaders like Bob Moses, Ella Baker, and Thelma Craig between "organizing" and "mobilizing".

Mobilizing, which uses a prophetic good versus evil language, is best known. It involves protests, civil disobedience, defiance campaigns and the like. These play a role in any successful struggle against injustice. But organizing -- the patient, community-level, molecular work of developing new skills, resiliency, pride, and confidence -- creates the foundations for lasting change.

Xolela Mangcu, the Black Consciousness public intellectual at the University of Cape Town, describes the scale and significance of organizing in the Black Consciousness Movement in "African Modernity and the Struggle for People's Power," a recent article in the journal The Good Society. Biko and other BCM leaders built on a rich, if largely invisible tradition of "radical modernizers" such as W.B. Rubusana, Sol Plaatje, SEK Mqhayi and others, who affirmed African traditions and culture.

Biko differed from racialistic appeals about "driving whites to the sea." "He drew Africans, Coloureds and Indians together in a collective movement for liberation," describes Mangcu. "[But] he always made the point that the struggle was for a non-racial democracy based on what he called the 'joint culture' of black and white people, constructed out of the hybridity of their respective cultures."

In the BCM perspective, blacks also must assume the leadership of their own liberation struggle. To this end, BCM linked community organizing about people's practical issues -- health, working conditions, housing, schools, home industries and others -- with a philosophy that "infused the black community with a new-found pride in themselves, their efforts, their value systems, their culture, their religion, their outlook to life." The BCM philosophy educated a generation of leaders in what were called "formation schools," as well as through publications like Creativity and Development, Essays on Black Theology, Black Viewpoint, and Black Perspectives.

These included community leaders and also national leaders in the United Democratic Front of the 1980s, the primary force in bringing an end to apartheid. Today, this legacy can constitute a philosophical challenge of relevance in our time, showing the insufficiency of a triumphalist view of science and technology descending from the European Enlightenment.

Scientific triumphalism, a major rationale for colonialism, now fuels what Mangcu calls "technocratic creep," the refashioning of social and economic life by rational, abstract modes of thought, by growing patterns of bureaucracy, and by instrumental rationality holding ends as a given, focusing on efficiency of means. Increasingly today, we have lost the "Why?" and "What's the point?" questions in policy and politics.

South African need to find ways to inform the world about the BCM and other African intellectual traditions and approaches, which provide resources for overcoming technocratic creep. In a time of bitter divides and deepening polarizations, people everywhere also need to know the elemental fact about the peaceful transition from apartheid to democracy in South Africa: it takes a society to make change on this scale.

Boyte, director of the Center for Democracy and Citizenship at Augsburg College and senior fellow at the University of Minnesota's Humphrey School of Public Affairs, lives several months a year in South Africa, where he is also a visiting professor at the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University.

a symposium on civic studies

(New Orleans) I am here for a daylong symposium on “Civic Studies” at the Southern Political Science Association. It starts with an author-meets-critics session about my book, which is offered as one example of civic studies, along with Paul Dragos Aligica’s new book, Institutional Diversity and Political Economy: The Ostroms and Beyond.

According to our latest definition:

  1. Civic studies is the intellectual component of civic renewal, which is the movement to improve societies by engaging their citizens.
  2. The goal of civic studies is to develop ideas and ways of thinking helpful to citizens, understood as co-creators of their worlds. We do not define “citizens” as official members of nation-states or other political jurisdictions. Nor does this formula invoke the word “democracy.” One can be a co-creator in many settings, ranging from loose social networks and religious congregations to the globe. Not all of these venues are, or could be, democracies.
  3. Civic studies asks “What should we do?” It is thus inevitably about ethics (what is right and good?), about facts (what is actually going on?), about strategies (what would work?), and about the institutions that we co-create. Good strategies may take many forms and use many instruments, but if a strategy addresses the question “What should we do?”, then it must guide our own actions–it cannot simply be about how other people ought to act.

The phrase “civic studies” was coined in 2007 in a joint statement by Harry Boyte, University of Minnesota; Stephen Elkin, University of Maryland; Peter Levine, Tufts University; Jane Mansbridge, Harvard University; Elinor Ostrom, Indiana University; Karol Soltan, University of Maryland; and Rogers Smith, University of Pennsylvania.

Civic studies is not civic education. Nor is it the study of civic education. However, once it is fully developed, it will influence how citizenship is taught in schools and colleges.

The post a symposium on civic studies appeared first on Peter Levine.

Job Opening at the Democracy Fund

We saw a job posting at the D.C.-based Democracy Fund that sounds perfect for many of our NCDD members, so we wanted to make sure to share it with all of you. You can read the posting below or find the original announcement by clicking here

DemocracyFund-logoThe Democracy Fund is seeking to hire a Network and Communications Associate to advance our mission of creating a stronger, healthier political system in the United States. 

POSITION SUMMARY: The Network and Communications Associate will be responsible for coordinating communications about the Democracy Fund to external audiences, as well as developing relationships with and fostering collaboration among the Democracy Fund’s network of grantees, peer funders, advisors, and other leaders in the field. The Associate will be an integral part of the small Democracy Fund team – developing and implementing the initiative’s overall strategy. The Associate will report to the Director of the Democracy Fund. Specific responsibilities include, but are not limited to:

  • Work with the Democracy Fund team to develop and implement the initiative’s branding and communications strategy
  • Work with the Democracy Fund team to produce articles, case studies, and reports about what the Democracy Fund is learning and the impact that it is having
  • Work with grantees to highlight and promote their accomplishments through social media and other available communications channels.
  • Write and edit regular blog posts and other web content. Manage the Democracy Fund’s social media presence.
  • Work with Democracy Fund grantees to encourage communication and collaboration by convening of quarterly meetings, organizing conference calls on topics of special interest, moderating a Google Group, managing a mini-grant program aimed at encouraging collaboration among grantees, and other activities as needed.
  • Work with the Democracy Fund team to cultivate communication and collaboration among peer funders in the democracy reform field, including convening events and conference calls on issues of strategic importance and other related activities as needed.
  • Organize an annual strategy retreat of Democracy Fund grantees, peer funders, and advisors, as well as semi-annual strategy sessions with advisors.
  • Serve as the liaison between the Democracy Fund and its public relations consultants, as well as the communications staff of other Omidyar Group organizations and initiatives.
  • Manage the Democracy Fund’s internship program, recruiting interns and coordinating their activities to support general activities for the organization.

EDUCATION, EXPERIENCE, AND SKILL REQUIREMENTS:

  • Deep passion for strengthening American democracy
  • Excellent written and oral communication skills required
  • At least 3-5 years of experience in communications, coalition building, organizing, policy analysis, advocacy, or public affairs
  • Strong strategic mind set and proven ability to translate strategy into action
  • Success in developing and maintaining institutional, political, and personal relationships
  • Extensive experience with social media
  • Ability to travel periodically for project work
  • Demonstrated experience handling multiple assignments simultaneously
  • Flexibility and initiative to work both independently and as part of a team
  • Familiarity with the field of democracy and political reform, as well as the organizations and leaders involved in the field, is preferred
  • BA required

BACKGROUND

The Democracy Fund aspires to the highest ideals of American democracy – government of, by, and for the people. We invest in organizations working to ensure that our political system is responsive to the priorities of the American public and has the capacity to meet the greatest challenges facing our country. At the heart of our vision for the future are three core commitments to a strong, healthy political system.

  • First, the American people must have the ability to make informed choices as they engage in the civic life of their nation.
  • Second, the American people must have confidence that their voices are the primary influence shaping the outcomes of policy and political debates.
  • Third, the American people need to know that their government has the ability to solve important problems and govern effectively.

The Democracy Fund was created in 2011 by eBay Founder Pierre Omidyar. It is a project of Omidyar Network, a philanthropic investment firm dedicated to creating opportunity for people to improve their lives by helping to scale innovative organizations to catalyze economic and social change. The Democracy Fund is based in Washington, DC. More information about the Democracy Fund may be found at www.democracyfund.org.

COMPENSATION

Salary commensurate with qualifications and experience. Excellent benefits package.

APPLICATION INSTRUCTIONS

Please email a cover letter and resume to info@democracyfund.org.

The Democracy Fund is an equal opportunity employer and welcomes a diverse pool of candidates in this search.

“The Power of Conversation” Seminar at Columbia, Jan. 27th

We hope our members in the New York region will take a moment to read the post below, which came from NCDD Sustaining Member Ron Gross of the University Seminar on Education at Columbia University via our great Submit-to-Blog FormDo you have news you want to share with the NCDD network? Just click here to submit your news post for the NCDD Blog!

THE POWER OF CONVERSATION, a Seminar with Ronald Gross, will be held on Monday, January 27, 2014, 7:00-9:00 pm, at Faculty House, Columbia University, 117th St. & Morningside Heights in NYC.

Kindly RSVP to reserve a place, to grossassoc@aol.com Please bring this invitation and a photo ID for admission to the building.

Gross co-chairs the University Seminar on Innovation in Education; and is the founder of Conversations New York, and author, Socrates’ Way, Peak Learning, Radical School Reform, etc.

THE POWER OF CONVERSATION has propelled critical inquiry through the ages, from Socrates’ dialogues in the Athenian agora, to Occupy in Zuccoti Park.

Now, it is being harnessed afresh to foster not only civic discourse, but to enhance psychological well-being, strengthen learning (formal and informal), stimulate organizational development, and spark creativity.

This conversation will:

  • Review ten important benefits of Conversation as established by theory, research, and practice.
  • Trace the historical roots of Conversation in 17th century Salons, 18th century coffee houses, 19th century scientific societies, and 20th century social change movements such as Occupy.
  • Report briefly on 15 current projects and programs such as Meet-Up, Socrates Salons, Philosophers’ Cafes, Circles in Women’s Spirituality, Study Groups in Professional Education, Book Discussion Groups, and the National Coalition for Dialogue and Deliberation.
  • Review some important contemporary Conversation Studies such as those by David Bohm and Sherry Turkle.
  • Describe several techniques useful in conducting successful conversations, such as the Talking Stick, World Cafe, and Open Space.
  • Identify the 10 most notable recent books on Conversation.
  • Identify 6 crucial dimensions of Conversation: Everyday Spirituality, Educational Strategy (in schools and higher education), Organizational Development, High but Low-Cost BYOB Leisure, Creativity, and Civic Discourse.
  • Present the new program Conversations New York, and preview a mini-conference on Conversation at Columbia in June, which our Seminars will sponsor.

Background Reading: Please visit the websites www.ConversationsNewYork.com, www.SocratesWay.com, and www.NCDD.org, and read Sherry Turkle’s article “The Flight from Conversation” from the New York Times Sunday Review, 4/21/12.

Faculty House is located on Columbia University’s East Campus on Morningside Drive, north of 116th Street. Enter Wien Courtyard through the gates on 116 Street between Amsterdam Avenue and Morningside Drive. Walk toward the north end of the courtyard, then turn right toward Morningside Drive. Faculty House will be the last building on the right.

To augment the fellowship among members, you are warmly invited to join other members for dinner at Faculty House at 5:30 PM. Dinner at Faculty House, a varied and ample buffet (including wine), is $25, which must be paid for by check made at the beginning of the meal. If you intend to join us for dinner you must let us know via email a week in advance.

BACKGROUND: This seminar is jointly sponsored by the Columbia University Seminars on Innovation in Education, and on Ethics, Moral Education, and Society.
The Seminar on Innovation in Education is co-chaired by Ronald Gross, who also conducts the Socratic Conversations at the Gottesman Libraries, and Robert McClintock who is John L. and Sue Ann Weinberg Professor Emeritus in the Historical and Philosophical Foundations of Education at Teachers College. Founded in 1970, the Seminar explores the process of learning in individuals, organizations, and society throughout the lifespan and via major institutions.
The Seminar on Ethics, Moral Education and Society, chaired by Michael Schulman, brings together scholars from psychology, philosophy, sociology, political theory, education, religion and other disciplines to explore issues in ethics, moral education, moral development, moral motivation, moral decision making and related topics.

Upcoming 2013-14 seminar dates: no February, March 3, April 7, May 5.

Columbia University encourages persons with disabilities to participate in its programs and activities. University Seminar participants with disabilities who anticipate needing accommodations or who have questions about physical access may contact the Office of Disability Services at 212-854-2388 or disability@columbia.edu. Disability accommodations, including sign-language interpreters, are available on request. Requests for accommodations must be made two weeks in advance. On campus, seminar participants with disabilities should alert a Public Safety Officer that they need assistance accessing campus.

Find out more at www.ColumbiaSeminar.org or by emailing grossassoc@aol.com

WEBSITES:
www.SocratesWay.com
www.ConversationsNewYork.com
www.OlderBetterWiser.com
www.RonaldGross.com

Restorative Justice & Democratic Process in Baltimore

We recently read a great article in the Boston Review that we had to share with the NCDD community. The piece is actually part of a larger series we’ve been following called “Trench Democracy: Participatory Innovation in Unlikely Places” by Dr. Albert Dzur, and features an innovative approach to community conflict that is being lead by Laura Abramson:

Lauren Abramson is the founder of the Community Conferencing Center in Baltimore, an organization that aims to divert people from the criminal justice system before they enter it by providing “a highly participatory community-based process for people to transform their conflicts into cooperation, take collective and personal responsibility for action, and improve their quality of life.” Lauren’s center has helped thousands of people address problems in their communities before they become formally designated as crimes to be handled by the justice system. We talked recently about how communities can handle tensions on their own and what kinds of democratic practices have evolved to facilitate this.

The article continues with a fascinating interview between Albert Dzur and Lauren Abramson in which they explore the process the CCC uses, the relationship between community participation, restorative justice, and criminal justice, as well as other key insights. But first, it begins with a story about how a football league transformed a tense and hostile Baltimore neighborhood dynamic.

We highly recommend that you read the full article and interview below, or find the original post on the Boston Review by clicking here.


The Football League

All was not well on Streeper Street in Southeast Baltimore. Kids played football in the road late into the night, bumping into cars, setting off alarms, even breaking mirrors and windows. Why couldn’t they play in the park just two blocks away? Were they selling drugs in the street rather than just playing football? Tensions between adult residents and the players escalated into arguments, hundreds of calls to the police, and petty retaliations such as putting sugar in gas tanks. Finally, when police interventions didn’t succeed and the conflict threatened to get more serious than minor property damage, a neighborhood organization contacted the Community Conferencing Center to arrange a meeting with those affected.

One of the Center’s facilitators, Misty, canvassed the neighborhood for three weeks, going door-to-door inviting everyone to participate in a conference where they could articulate concerns and contribute to a desirable and workable solution. Remaining neutral, she encouraged attendance by showing them a list of those who had already agreed to participate. In all, forty-four people attended, with a mix of adults and youth.

The conference began with angry comments. Parents defended their children against what they felt was unfair treatment by neighbors. In turn, the adult residents expressed their frustration over the late night noise created by the football games: was this really the best place to play football at night? The children explained that the park two blocks away that the adults thought was much safer than the street was actually fouled by dog waste at one end and inhabited by drug dealers and older bullies at the other—problems that the adults had not heard before. From that point on, the neighbors started brainstorming possible solutions. They shifted focus from what to do about a bunch of noisy young people to how to find a safe place for the neighborhood children to play. Misty asked people how they might put their solutions into practice and in less than half an hour the group had come to an agreement on a list of actions, such as adults volunteering to chaperone kids in the park and kids helping clean up the neighborhood.

The next day, in fact, Don Ferges chaperoned twenty-two kids in the park. By the end of three weeks, the number had grown to sixty-four, and by the end of the summer there was a thriving football league. What started out as a public nuisance warranting police action developed into neighborhood-wide recognition of common interests and action to improve the shared space. The residents had the power to make these changes, but it took a well-structured conference to deliberate and act together.

Albert Dzur: On your website and elsewhere you talk about providing a highly participatory community-based process. Can you say a little bit more about how the community is involved in your work?

Lauren Abramson: We define “community” as the community of people who have been affected by and involved in the conflict or the crime. Everybody who’s involved in or affected by the situation, and their respective supporters, is included. We make the circle as wide as possible. Thus, conferences usually include between ten and forty people. The Streeper Street neighborhood conflict had been going on for two years and forty-four people attended. Conferences are always about engaging the entire community of people affected by whatever’s going on and giving them the power to try to fix it.

AD: When forty-four people gather together do you have certain expectations for participation?

LA: Well, transparency is a principle behind what we do. People always know what they are coming into. And they know, first of all, that this is a meeting for people who are interested in trying to make the situation better. So if they’re not really interested in trying to make the situation better, then the conference is probably not the place for them.

AD: Do you have any people exit at that point?

LA: Not often. People know that when they come, they’re going to sit in a circle with no table and talk about three things. First, they’ll hear what has been going on—what’s happened—and hear it from the people directly involved. Second, everybody in the circle will have a chance to say how they were affected. Third, once everyone has spoken and had a chance to listen, then the group will talk about what can be done to repair the harm and prevent this from happening again.

AD: When you say, “after everyone has spoken,” do you mean the people who are primary to a given conflict or everybody in the room?

LAEverybody in the circle has an equal chance to participate.

AD: And so you brought up the case of forty-four people. All forty-four are in the circle?

LA: Yes.

AD: So if they come into that room they need to be prepared to say something.

LA: They know that they are going to have the opportunity to speak if they wish to.

AD: Have you been in a group where somebody keeps their arms crossed and doesn’t say anything?

LA: The emotional piece of the conference is important. And a lot of times people come so angry and disgusted and terrified that they will sit with their arms crossed and with their backs turned and all sorts of things. Throughout the Community Conference, though, there are many opportunities to speak and to listen. If they don’t want to speak in the initial discussion, when the group starts to come up with an agreement and we still see somebody whose arms are crossed, we’ll say, “Before we fill this out, is there anything else anyone would like to say?” Or we would say to that person, “Is there something you’d like to see happen that would help you feel better about this?” So at a number of points during the conversation, the facilitator gives everybody an opportunity, but we don’t make anybody do anything.

AD: This seems to be as much emotional work as cognitive work. Dialogue is important in restorative justice but reading through your descriptions of the conferences I wonder if something even more basic is involved—namely, proximity: just getting people who wouldn’t normally sit next to each other to do that.

LA: I think that’s a big part of it. That’s the difference between what we do and, say, study circles. Study circles typically engage people in dialogue but participants tend to have similar value systems already. And what I love about this work is that you do get people together who normally would not be sitting in the same room with each other, let alone talking with each other.

AD: And that’s the price of admission to the conference: you’ve got to come into the room and sit next to people you may not like. Have you seen changes in disposition because people come together?

LA: Many times. Hundreds and hundreds of times. Not just because they come together, though. In schools, principals try to have what they call a conference or a meeting and bring together kids and parents and it blows up into a huge melee. We know so many principals who will not bring together families anymore. So I don’t think proximity is the only factor. A well-designed structure is also crucial for good communication.

Conferencing is elegant. There are three questions that the group’s going to talk about. And they can talk in whatever way they want. We don’t go in saying, “You can’t make racist comments,” because if you do that then the person who is racist is never going to get a chance to change. We let the group decide. So once something offensive comes up, the facilitator will say to the participants, there is a request to not say these kinds of things, is this something everyone can agree to?” It lets people be who they are and then lets that group decide for itself the norms for their behavior from this time forward.

Imagine justice that builds a sense of community.

AD: Why do you think it is important for people other than criminal justice professionals to be involved in resolving these issues?

LA: In a participatory democracy it is important for people to make decisions for themselves. And I’m not talking about a representative democracy, either.

It’s like in the seventies when medical researchers made a breakthrough in managing postsurgical pain. They realized that if they gave people this little clicker that let them administer their own morphine, people used less morphine and got more pain relief. Patients knew best what they needed; emotionally and psychologically having control over pain relief was huge.

AD: I love that example from the Streeper Street neighborhood conference. You have said that if you told Don Ferges, “Hey, why don’t you start a football league,” he probably wouldn’t do it!

LA: He would have said, “Get the heck out of here!” Every action has an equal and opposite reaction; people typically don’t like being told what to do, and will react against it. So we’re being inclusive and encouraging collective decision. What we see over and over and over again is that communities get much more creative and lasting solutions when they decide for themselves how to resolve these situations.

AD: This theme of recognizing that people are capable of resolving their own conflicts is really interesting. But in some ways, these are neighborhoods where they are not capable of resolving their own conflicts without the Community Conferencing Center.

LA: That is not quite right. It’s not just about these neighborhoods. It’s not about where you live, how much money you make, what color your skin is. I mean, think about it, we don’t resolve conflicts very well in our workplaces either.

AD: But that’s my point. We don’t have participatory social control. We turn an awful lot of problems over to the criminal justice system.

LA: Well, conferencing recognizes that we all have a larger capacity to resolve complicated conflicts and crimes than we are allowed to. But people also need to have an appropriate structure to do it. I think it was Winston Churchill who said, “We’re shaped by the institutions that govern us.” So if our institutions are top-down—if we need a judge in a black robe telling people how they should be punished—then we’re going to get one set of outcomes. But if we engage people with this alternative structure—in a circle where they acknowledge what happened, share how they’ve been affected, and then decide how to make it better—then we will get a whole different set of outcomes. This could happen in a workplace or in any number of places in our society where we don’t manage conflicts well.

Because urban areas with high concentrations of poverty have more violence than other communities, many assume that the people who live in them are different. And that is not true. We need to look at what structures we offer people in our society to resolve conflict and crime, because they determine the outcomes. The fact that people in highly distressed neighborhoods can negotiate solutions within the structure provided by Community Conferencing only emphasizes the fact that we are all capable of safely and effectively resolving many of our own conflicts. Maybe we could really prove this point if we could get the U.S. Congress to sit in circle and address some of their conflicts!

AD: You’ve been doing this since 1998. Do you feel that in that time the communities you’ve been active in have come to own the process more?

LA: It’s varied. Some neighborhoods have used the conferences consistently. Sometimes people move and attendance drops off. You know. I would say that the Streeper Street neighborhood was significantly changed. Many schools have embraced this, too, and they have significantly changed. But one thing I’ve learned is that this work does not just implement a new program; it changes our culture, which takes a long time and a lot of exposure.

AD: A nagging question about restorative justice programs in the U.S. is whether and how much they have actually impacted the larger system.

LA: I feel that they have. Restorative justice programs bring about reform from both the bottom up and the top down. In Baltimore, our juvenile courts are diverting felony and misdemeanor cases from their system to Community Conferencing. Could they refer more cases than they do? Absolutely. But for them to take a felony case and say, “We think these people can resolve it better through Community Conferencing than through our system,” that’s a significant change. And every year around 1,400 people in Baltimore participate in a Community Conference.

Has it completely changed our criminal justice system? No. But when judges call us and ask us how they can use Community Conferencing more, I know that we are making progress.

AD: That’s what I’m getting at. Do we incarcerate the largest percentage of our citizens of any country in the world? The answer is “yes.” So if that’s your metric of success, then restorative justice hasn’t done a whole lot.

LA: Well, cultural change doesn’t happen overnight. Kay Pranis, who is a leader in this country on restorative justice, says restorative justice is like groundwater. Most people don’t see groundwater but it nourishes a lot of things. Eventually, it’s going to bust through. So has restorative justice fixed everything? No. Is it incrementally making steps toward a tipping point? I would say, most definitely, yes.

It’s really starting to happen in education. A lot of school systems are talking about restorative practices. But it’s going to take a long time to change our cowboy-puritan culture of individuals to begin to look at things as relationships and accountability instead of punishment.

AD: So we are returning to where we started, the importance of community participation.

LA: In our facilitator training, we explain the four main features of participatory democracy, as my colleague David Moore defined them: Participation—inclusion; Equality—that everyone has an equal voice; Deliberation—that everything that is brought up is discussed and not swept under the rug; Non-tyranny—no one is allowed to dominate the conversation. I don’t know if you would agree with those four key points of participatory democracy.

AD: Those sound pretty good. Restorative justice holds that the public ought to own its conflicts, that we can’t give these problems over to professionals or state actors without a moral remainder left over for which we still need to be accountable. A broad swath of the public has a complacent attitude to the criminal justice system.

LA: Because most people affected and involved in a conflict do not get to participate in a court hearing. It is owned by other people and a whole other set of players who are very expensive.

AD:Community conferencing, as an especially participatory form of restorative justice, does attempt to broaden public responsibility for criminal justice.

LA: I think the more people you involve in the justice process the more potential there is for community building. Imagine justice that builds a sense of community. If only two people are involved, the potential for building community is very limited. That’s why we use the process we do. I love the fact that nobody talks on behalf of anybody else. Inclusion has a ripple effect and we include all the ripples.

Find the original article here: www.bostonreview.net/blog/albert-w-dzur-trench-democracy-criminal-justice-interview-lauren-abramson