Midnight brilliance

At three o’clock this morning I thought of something really thoughtful to blog about today. It was right on point, something deeply meaningful and insightful. I was really excited to write about it and explore the idea further.

I have no recollection what that idea was.

This happened to me a couple of days ago, too. I woke under darkness of night with a flash of inspiration. I’d come to some breakthrough that seemed to particularly transform my thinking, as if I’d finally found enlightenment beneath my Bodhi tree.

I repeated a phrase to myself, over and over, confident that it would stick with me in the morning light, that the meaning wouldn’t melt away with the dew.

But I can’t quite find it any more. It was something about change. Something like, don’t seek to change the way things are, but the way they should be. I don’t know. Those words seem hollow now. Like the discarded carapace of a creature which has since moved on. The understanding is gone.

This may seem tragic, like a work of art destroyed by fire. Or perhaps just frustrating, that moment when a name is on the tip of your tongue but you can’t quite get there.

But there is something beautiful in these fleeting thoughts as well. Like a sand mandala, painstakingly assembled then breathlessly destroyed. All flowers must fade.

In the wee hours of the morning, these ideas pop with urgency and vibrance. Then they fade into the ether, gone but not destroyed.

That moment is part of me now. It joins a billion other moments – raw, honest, nondescript moments – which burst into life then flickered into the past. Gone but not destroyed.

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A New Online Archive for Karl Polanyi’s Work

One of the most influential works in my thinking about the commons has been Karl Polanyi’s 1944 book The Great Transformation:  The Political and Economic Origins of Our Times. A Hungarian economic historian and anthropologist, Polanyi  argued that world history dramatically changed in the 17th and 18th centuries when “Market Society” arose to displace societies that had been based on kinship, religion and social relationships.  Where once people were embedded in communities of reciprocity and redistribution, capitalist markets gradually turned societies into the alienated collectives of rational, utility-maximizing individuals dominated by the market order. The Great Transformation is a brilliant historical account of this transition from a commons-based world to market society.

Polanyi's book had the misfortune to be published at the wrong time, 1944, just as the nations of the world were racing to embrace market economics and soar into modern times.  In the 1950s and 1960s climate of the Cold War, go-go economic growth and gee-whiz technology, few serious people wanted to hear about how “the market” should be tamed and made to serve society – Polanyi’s primary theme.  The overriding goal of that period was to grow, grow, grow, with little thought for the long-term social and ecological consequences.

As a result, The Great Transformation has been largely exiled from the canon of mainstream economic literature for the past 70 years. Hayek’s The Road to Serfdom, also published in 1944, was far more in sync with the postwar cultural wave and went on to become a foundational book for modern corporatists and conservatives.  For decades the curious reader could only find archaic-looking reprint editions of The Great Transformation until Beacon Press came out with a new edition in 2001, with a new introduction by economist Joseph Stiglitz.

All of this is by way of background to the news that Concordia College has just gone live with a massive online archive of Polanyi’s work.  Exciting news! The archive is housed at the Karl Polanyi Institute of Political Economy, which was founded in 1988 at Concordia. The archive has an estimated 110,000 documents, which range from correspondence and unpublished papers to lecture notes, articles and manuscripts in Hungarian, German and English. Here is the official announcement of the archive at the Karl Polanyi Institute of Political Economy.

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a conversation about the Millennials and politics

I enjoyed a conversation yesterday on Minnesota Public Radio with host Kerri Miller, my fellow guest Ron Fournier, and many callers, mostly young adults. The topic was billed as “Can the parties motivate young voters to turn out for midterm elections?,” but the discussion was actually much broader than that. It was about the generation’s engagement with politics, civil society, the news, and social entrepreneurship. The audio is here.

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NCDD Member Endorsed by LA Times

We want to extend a big congratulations to NCDD organizational member Pete Peterson on being officially endorsed by the Los Angeles Times. In addition to being the executive director of the Davenport Institute, Pete is currently running for California Secretary of State, and he just received a nod from one of the state’s most prominent publications.

Peterson, center, participates in a March forum for Sec. of State candidates (LA Times)

The LA Times wrote a glowing recommendation for Pete. They commented that Pete “says he wants to be California’s ‘chief engagement officer,’ which sounds corny but is a fitting approach to a job that entails making it as easy as possible for people to vote, and to learn about whom and what they’re voting for.”

More definitively, the Times stated that “[t]he next secretary of state should be fully invested in the office, with a clear sense of its mission as well as the opportunities it offers to make California a leader in voting, political transparency and civic engagement. The candidate who best meets that description is Pete Peterson.”

Congratulations and good luck to Pete!

We encourage you to read the whole LA Times article, which you can find at www.latimes.com/opinion/endorsements/la-ed-end-secretary-of-state-20140504-story.html#axzz30s26lkyM.

And be sure to check out Pete’s speech from the 2012 NCDD conference if you haven’t already seen it: http://ncdd.org/10232.

The Madison Project

Author: 
In late 2011, the OpenGov Foundation and its founder, Congressman Darrell Issa (R-CA), launched an online platform called the Madison Project to solicit and crowdsource comments, feedback, and suggestions for edits directly from the public on drafts of bills.

O, these men, these men!

In the fourth act of Othello, as Desdemona desperately seeks to understand why her world is unraveling, the ill-fated heroine utters this simple lament: O, these men, these men!

This from the woman who later, even on her deathbed, refuses the betray the husband who murdered her.

This is Desdemona at her most vexed.

O, these men, these men!

I like to take the phrase more generally. To move it apart from the specific gender, race, and historical roles under which it was penned and imagine it as a universal lament on behalf of humanity.

O, these men, these men!

These men who’ve built pyramids and landfills. Who’ve shot rockets to the moon and missiles at their brethren.

These men who have created works of beauty worthy of tears, and who have destroyed beauty in acts worthy of tears.

These men who have discovered deep secrets of existence, and who have burned books and kept knowledge silent.

These men who have perpetuated genocides, and given their lives trying to prevent them.

These frail, flawed gods. Seemingly all powerful in their capacity to create, imagine, shape, and change, yet myopically unable to do so with strategy, care, and true understanding.

This is the simple lament of love and loathing, of excitement and anxiety, of wonder at all we can do mixed with dread at all we can do.

We can create and destroy. We can shape tomorrow. We can define our world. There is so much power at our collective fingertips. Should we consider ourselves blessed or cursed?

O, these men, these men!

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The Madison Project

Author: 
In late 2011, the OpenGov Foundation and its founder, Congressman Darrell Issa (R-CA), launched an online platform called the Madison Project to solicit and crowdsource comments, feedback, and suggestions for edits directly from the public on drafts of bills.

Participatory Budgeting Gets Some Traction in the US

Last week, at the Edge Funders Alliance conference in Berkeley, California, I learned how participatory budgeting is starting to get some real traction here in the US. Participatory budgeting, or PB to aficionados, is a process by which ordinary people determine how to spend municipal funds.  Ginny Browne of the Participatory Budgeting Project, which is based in Brooklyn, gave a terrific overview of the history and current state of this rare form of citizen engagement in government. The basic point is to let people have a direct say about the services that most affect them.

Participatory budgeting got its start in 1969 in Porto Alegre, Brazil, a city of 1.5 million residents.  Launched as an effort to bypass political corruption, PB is now used in that city to allocate 20 percent of the budget, or $200 million.  The process engages some 50,000 citizens in Porto Alegre, and has resulted in a doubling of sanitation services and more school buses for underserved areas.  (For more on PB in Porto Alegre, see the excellent book chapter by Hilary Wainwright in her 2009 book Reclaim the State.) 

Participatory budgeting first came to the US in 2009 when a Chicago city councilman attending the U.S. Social Forum decided to try it out in that city’s 29th ward.  In 2011 four New York City council members introduced PB in their districts.  About 1.5 million people participated in deciding how to spend $14 million for infrastructure projects. 

A year later, the city of Vallejo, California, introduced PB for $3.2 million in city programs and services. The idea had real appeal because the city had just gone through bankruptcy proceedings and citizen trust in government was low. A twenty-person steering committee for PB was created.  After brainstorming ideas and developing project proposals, 4,000 citizens chose which of twelve different projects to fund.

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intelligence is more like confidence than height

(Washington, DC) According to experimental studies collected by Gregory M. Walton*:

  • You can explain to seventh-graders that people build their intelligence by working and learning, and their grades on math will be better for the whole school year.
  • You can give 7th graders a writing exercise designed to affirm their personal values, and as a result, the Black students will be half as likely to receive a D or an F on the whole course (even though their teacher is blind to whether they did the exercise).
  • You can give fifth graders a test and tell them they scored well because they are smart, they scored well because they worked hard, or just give them their scores. Then give them a very hard test on which they all score poorly. Then give them a third test. Those who were told that they scored high the first time because they were smart will do 30 percent worse on the final assessment–their confidence in their innate ability shaken.
  • You can tell African American college students that items from the GRE are just a puzzle and they will perform as well as white students, but tell them the same items are an intelligence test, and they will score much worse.

As Walton argues, your height won’t change depending on the context, but your score on tests will. That implies that intelligence is–to a significant if not complete degree–relational. It is a measure of how you relate to the immediate environment and the other people in it. Much as I would be far more confident, motivated, secure, and competent in my own living room than on a sound stage, I will be more “intelligent” in some settings than others.

These studies have profound implications for how we should test aptitude, whom we ought to promote and admit in school, college, and work, and how we should design educational institutions.

*Gregory M. Walton, “The Myth of Intelligence: Smartness Isn’t Like Height,” in Danielle Allen and Rob Reich, eds., Education, Justice & Democracy (University of Chicago Press, 2013), pp. 155-172.

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intelligence is more like confidence than height

(Washington, DC) According to experimental studies collected by Gregory M. Walton*:

  • You can explain to seventh-graders that people build their intelligence by working and learning, and their grades on math will be better for the whole school year.
  • You can give 7th graders a writing exercise designed to affirm their personal values, and as a result, the Black students will be half as likely to receive a D or an F on the whole course (even though their teacher is blind to whether they did the exercise).
  • You can give fifth graders a test and tell them they scored well because they are smart, they scored well because they worked hard, or just give them their scores. Then give them a very hard test on which they all score poorly. Then give them a third test. Those who were told that they scored high the first time because they were smart will do 30 percent worse on the final assessment–their confidence in their innate ability shaken.
  • You can tell African American college students that items from the GRE are just a puzzle and they will perform as well as white students, but tell them the same items are an intelligence test, and they will score much worse.

As Walton argues, your height won’t change depending on the context, but your score on tests will. That implies that intelligence is–to a significant if not complete degree–relational. It is a measure of how you relate to the immediate environment and the other people in it. Much as I would be far more confident, motivated, secure, and competent in my own living room than on a sound stage, I will be more “intelligent” in some settings than others.

These studies have profound implications for how we should test aptitude, whom we ought to promote and admit in school, college, and work, and how we should design educational institutions.

*Gregory M. Walton, “The Myth of Intelligence: Smartness Isn’t Like Height,” in Danielle Allen and Rob Reich, eds., Education, Justice & Democracy (University of Chicago Press, 2013), pp. 155-172.

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