Take a Walk on the Wild Side

There’s a certain way one ought to live one’s life. Or at least that’s what many of us are taught to believe.

Finish high school, go to college. Get a job, find a career. Perhaps also get married, buy a house, and have children. If you’re into that kind of thing.

Social expectations are, perhaps, the biggest driver for following this standard path. But there are other incentives, too.

After all, the journey of life doesn’t end there and the other side of the spectrum demands attention as well: save for retirement, pay off the mortgage, care for your parents, put your kids through school –

Even if you’re not looking for a mansion in the Hollywood hills, the stability of a middle class lifestyle requires a commitment to middle class norms. Deviating from the path – intentionally taking a step backwards or even laterally can be scary.

That’s not the way the story is supposed to go, and it opens a risk for future financial instability.

The great irony here is that by and large, folks in the middle class enjoy great privilege – they have flexibility and a power over their lives that working class and poor folks can only dream of.

And yet the structures of middle class life can feel confining, as though once you’ve started on a path you must remain committed to it.

The days of a lifetime at one company are long gone, with job-hopping the new norm.

But there’s an even newer trend, I think, slowly emerging among my age cohort: career-hopping.

Because the truth is, you’re not locked into a job or even into a career: pick up and move to Europe if you want to.

There’s no path you have to follow; you make the rules.

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Reviving the Real American Dream

"In a neighborhood dispute there may be stunts, rough words and hot insults, but when a whole people speaks to its government the quality of the action and the dialogue needs to reflect the worth of that people and the responsibility of that government." - Program Notes, March on Washington, August 28, 1963.

As those of us in the March on Washington will never forget, the experience created a transcendent sense of hopefulness. In my view, this grew from the march's remarkable civic qualities. The civil rights movement made a statement to the nation and also to itself about the meaning of citizenship.

The question for today, as we head into an election season marked by bitter polarization--"stunts, rough words, and hot insults"--is how we can develop a renewed sense of ourselves as a "whole people," responsible for democracy as a way of life, not simply elections. This larger democratic imagination is what the nation is waiting for.

Stories of public work and civic action from the grassroots of American society and the tools of social media developed in recent years give us resources to help accomplish this task if we use them to integrate democratic stirrings into a larger democratic narrative that challenges today's overly materialistic and individualistic version of the American Dream.

There is a history to build on, detailed in books like Taylor Branch's Pulitzer Prize-winning Parting the Waters. The March on Washington channeled years of disciplined, nonviolent action in communities across the South. Such action by everyday citizens gave the nation a civics lesson. The country had watched unforgettable, televised images of thousands of domestic workers in Montgomery walking with dignity and determination to their work rather than ride of segregated buses. People had seen black children in Little Rock on their way to school brave crowds of segregationists who yelled insults and threw rocks. Television had dramatized nonviolent demonstrators in Birmingham facing down police dogs. Such scenes created the background for the march.

The march integrated and amplified such stories. It also deepened a citizen identity and a shared sense of people-hood.

This civic identity was expressed in Martin Luther King's "I Have a Dream" speech. King called the nation to "rise up [and] live out the true meaning of its creed" that all are created equal. He also countered divisive politics. "Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline."

Citizenship was also expressed by the determination and dignity of the marchers. They took to heart the message of the program notes (above), which called for marchers to understand themselves as a "whole people" speaking to "its government," taking responsibility for "the quality of [their] action and the dialogue," and showing the nation and the government their worth as a people.

Acts of citizenship continue in the present below the surface of today's degraded public discourse. In his book Ecology of Democracy, David Mathews, president of the Kettering Foundation, shows what this looks like. Citizens, in his definition, are those who act with others to address "the problems behind the problems," what he calls problems "of" democracy not simply problems "in" democracy.

Problems of democracy--polarization, devaluation of the talents of lay citizens, feelings of widespread powerlessness and others--cripple our collective ability to respond to the vast array of issues in democracy. These range from incarceration of black males to inequality, failing schools to climate change.

Sometimes citizenship acts are very localized such as acts of kindness to neighbors, or visits to lonely people in nursing homes. Sometimes they are community wide, as in the stories of what is called "broad based community organizing" bringing together people of different faiths, races, and income levels to address complex problems like economic development or school reform. In other cases, they involve creation and care for public goods, from garden groups to public spaces. Finally, some involve large acts of public reconstruction, like the efforts I recently described at the Rutgers University-Newark to discover and live out the identity of a "democracy university," reviving a once great American tradition.

Such civic stories furnish a foundation for an American Dream far different than the scramble for fame and fortune we see on the nightly news. By tending to the welfare of the community and the larger society, they suggest a renewed story of "the whole people" taking responsibility for democracy as a way of life.

In recent years we have heard a call for strong citizenship from political leaders. I saw first hand President Clinton's interest in citizenship when I coordinated the "New Citizenship" effort with the Domestic Policy Council from 1993 to 1995, culminating in a Camp David meeting on the future of democracy on January 14, 1965, just before Clinton's State of the Union address. In that address, "The New Covenant," Clinton described the work of citizenship as "the great strength of America." Barack Obama struck this theme in the 2008 election campaign, as Nancy Cantor and I detailed in an earlier Huffington Post blog.

The lesson of recent years is that political leaders by themselves will not sustain a strong citizenship message in the face of ferocious opposition from the elite political culture, even if they believe in it and have strong evidence of its appeal.

For a new sense of "the whole people" to take hold will require the work of the whole people.

The tools of social media offer us opportunities. For instance, in recent years they have shown their immense potential for responding to natural disasters. As Dina Fine Maron described in Scientific American, The Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) wrote in its 2013 National Preparedness report that during Hurricane Sandy, "users sent more than 20 million Sandy-related Twitter posts, or "tweets," despite the loss of cell phone service during the peak of the storm." Michael Beckerman, president and CEO of the Internet Association, testified to the House Subcommittee on Emergency Preparedness, Response, and Communications that "the convergence of social networks and mobile has thrown the old response playbook out the window."

We need to define our elections as now a "civic disaster." And we need to develop a strategy for enlisting the energies and talents of the people in the work of response.

Harry Boyte is editor of the collection Democracy's Education, with many contributors describing the stirrings of a democratic American Dream.

job openings in civic renewal (10)

This is the tenth in an occasional series. Just two jobs in this post, but they are important and good ones. Four good jobs in this post:

Director of Public Engagement for Public Agenda. Public Agenda is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to helping leaders and citizens navigate divisive, complex issues and work together on solutions. For forty years, Public Agenda has fought gridlock and facilitated public problem solving on K-12 and higher education, health care, criminal justice reform, and many other issues. We do so by acting as an honest broker employing the tools of research, engagement, and communications. We also seek to contribute to the field of deliberative democracy and enhance the nation’s capacity to solve problems.

The director of public engagement leads a team in the development and execution of public engagement projects on a variety of local and national issues, and leads the ongoing development of our public engagement methods, products and services.

Senior Associate and Public Engagement Associate at the Great Schools Partnership, a leading education nonprofit working to create innovative models of public schooling. With offices located in downtown Portland, Maine, the Great Schools Partnership works on a variety of small- and large-scale educational projects throughout Maine, New England, and the country. The Partnership offers professional development and technical assistance to educators, schools, districts, and state agencies, while also developing practical school-improvement resources and coordinating the implementation of grant initiatives.

Director of Leadership for the Greater Good, Engaged Cornell. The 10-year Engaged Cornell initiative, launched last October, is charged with promoting innovation in community- engaged and real-world learning, and making those practices the hallmark of the Cornell undergraduate experience. This is a $150 million initiative for community-engaged learning.

Director, Annette Strauss Institute for Civic Life, University of Texas. The Director will be a well-known figure in government, politics, or the civic engagement community; knowledgeable specifically about Texas and United States government and its politics, as well as possessing acumen in non-partisan activities. The Director will serve as an inspirational leader both internally and externally, acting as the face of the Institute for its many publics. Funded by the state monies, grants, and private donations, the current income for the Institute is $1.3 million and the long-range plan is to grow the endowment by $10 million over the next five years.

 

The post job openings in civic renewal (10) appeared first on Peter Levine.

Call for Papers for New Journal of Dialogue Studies

We are happy to share the announcement below from Elena Liedig of the Dialogue Society. Elena’s announcement came via our great Submit-to-Blog Form. Do you have news you want to share with the NCDD network? Just click here to submit your news post for the NCDD Blog!


Call for Papers for Journal of Dialogue Studies
Autumn 2015, Volume 3, Number 2
Dialogue and Democracy

Paper submission deadline: 07/11/2015

This is a call for papers for the Journal of Dialogue Studies, a multidisciplinary, blind-peer-reviewed academic journal published twice a year. The Journal seeks to bring together a body of original scholarship on the theory and practice of dialogue that can be critically appraised and discussed. It aims to contribute towards establishing ‘dialogue studies’ as a distinct academic field (or perhaps even emerging discipline). It is hoped that this will be directly useful not only to scholars and students but also to professionals and practitioners working in different contexts at various cultural interfaces.

The Editors would like to call for papers providing ‘dialogue and democracy’ for the forthcoming issue. However, authors are also welcome to submit papers that address the topic of the previous issues, namely ‘social scientific and historical analysis of dialogue practice’, ‘dialogue ethics’, ‘critiquing dialogue theories’, or indeed any other paper that comes within the remit of the Journal as described below. All papers, regardless of their particular theme, will be considered so long as they are in line with the aims and focus of the Journal. Please see below for more information.

For the Journal’s Editorial Team, Editorial Board, article submission guideline, style-guide and past issues please click here or visit: www.DialogueStudies.org.

Papers within General Remit of Journal

The Journal publishes conceptual, research, and/or case-based works on both theory and practice, and papers that discuss wider social, cultural or political issues as these relate to the practice and evaluation of dialogue. Dialogue is understood provisionally as: meaningful interaction and exchange between individuals and/or people of different groups (social, cultural, political and religious) who come together through various kinds of conversations or activities with a view to increased understanding.

Some scholars will want to question that description of dialogue, and others may be sceptical of the effectiveness of dialogue as a mechanism to produce increased understanding. The Editors of course welcome vigorous discussion and debate on these and other fundamental questions.

The Editors do not have any preference as regards the general disciplinary background of the work. Indeed contributions will be welcome from a variety of disciplines which may, for example, include sociology, anthropology, cultural studies, linguistics, the study of religion, politics, international relations or law.

Papers on ‘Dialogue and Democracy’

The Editors invite papers on dialogue and democracy, including papers critically appraising the following areas:

  • What is the relationship between dialogue and democracy?
  • How is dialogue espoused by different practitioners of democracy, from leaders to the general public?
  • The positive and negative impact dialogue can have on democracy.
  • What can democracy learn from dialogue?
  • Are politics and/or power structures within the context of a democratic system compatible with dialogue values and processes?
  • What role if any can dialogue play in supporting the processes that produce and develop government policies?
  • Are political ambitions and dialogic aspirations mutually exclusive?

Papers on ‘Social Scientific and Historical Analysis of Dialogue Practice’

  • Where do dialogue practices come from, sociologically and intellectually?
  • How has dialogue practice changed/developed over time in a particular place, religious/interreligious context and/or post conflict context?
  • How have dialogue practices been shaped by overlapping areas of theory, policy and practice?
  • How have dialogue practices themselves impacted upon societal issues or discourse?
  • Mapping the existing field of practice and study.
  • Sociological and historical analysis of the perception of the need for ‘dialogue’ given its current status as a preferred means of community engagement or management of community/intergroup tensions or conflict.
    (See Fern Elsdon-Baker, JDS 1:1)

Papers on ‘Dialogue Ethics’

The Editors invite papers with a focus on dialogue and ethics, including papers critically exploring the following areas:

  • Dialogic ethics as conceived by dialogue theorists such as Buber, Gadamer, Freire (and developed by others)
  • Ethics espoused and/or enacted by leaders of/participants in dialogue
  • Dialogue as a process of ethics formation/refinement
  • Underlying and perhaps unstated values in dialogue:
    • What kind of interaction is seen valid or as meaningful? What are the criteria? Who decides? (Fern Eldson-Baker, JDS 1:1)
    • Where building understanding is conceived as goal of dialogue, ‘what understandings are valued and how [are] such understandings… defined’? (Michael Atkinson, JDS 1:1)
  • Ethical pitfalls in the practice of dialogue

Papers on ‘Critiquing Dialogue Theories’

By dialogue ‘theories’ is meant developed, significant understandings or principles of dialogue. The Editors are open to papers exploring theories extrapolated by the author from the significant and distinctive practice of a dialogue practitioner who has perhaps not elaborated his/her ideas in writing. They invite papers which address critical/evaluative questions such as the following:

  • Which dialogue theories are/have been most influential in practice?
  • Do dialogue theories make sense in relation to relevant bodies of research and established theories?
  • Do dialogue theories sufficiently take account of power imbalances?
  • How far are dialogue theories relevant/useful to dialogue in practice?
  • Do normative dialogue theories have anything to offer in challenging contexts in which circumstances often suggested as preconditions for dialogue (for example, equality, empathetic listening, the bringing of assumption into the open, safety) simply do not obtain?

The Editors welcome papers which address these questions in relation to one or more than one specified dialogue theories. They also welcome critical case studies of the application of specified dialogue theories in practice.

In all papers submitted, a concern with the theory or practice of dialogue should be in the foreground.

While the Editors do not wish to be prescriptive about the definition of dialogue, they do specify that papers should have a clear bearing on ‘live’ dialogue – actual interaction between human beings; papers which analyse written, fictional dialogue without relating this clearly and convincingly to ‘live’ dialogue are not suitable for the Journal.

Case studies should include a high level of critical evaluation of the practice in question, and/or apply dialogue theory in a way that advances understanding or critique of that theory and/or its application.

Papers should be submitted by email attachment to: journal[at]dialoguesociety[dot]org and must be received by July 11th, 2015 in order to allow sufficient time for peer review. Manuscripts should be presented in a form that meets the requirements set out in Journal’s Article Submission Guidelines, provided here, and Style Guide, provided here. The running order for Volume 3, Number 2, listing the papers to be published in that issue, will be announced by the beginning of September 2015. For further information please click here.

Please send any queries to the Editorial Team via journal[at]dialoguesociety[dot]org.

Race, Gender, and Social Constructs

This story about Rachel Dolezal – the NAACP leader who represented herself as black even though she is white – has been blowing my mind since I first heard about it.

Seriously, I have so many questions.

But with Dolezal announcing her resignation today, it seems unlikely that I’m going to get any of the answers I’m looking for.

But the whole affair has raised some interesting questions.

Isn’t race a social construct? How is being ‘transracial’ different from being transgender? Why should we celebrate Caitlyn Jenner but shun Rachel Dolezal?

Those are good questions, and they are important questions.

In my circles, these questions have mostly come from well-intentioned liberals – myself included – trying to articulate what our instinct tells us so plainly: ‘transracial’ – if that even is a thing – is not the same as transgender.

There may be some parallels, sure. For example, I can imagine Dolezal claiming that she is a “black woman on the inside,” or that she was born into the wrong body. I’ll never know Dolezal’s true motivations, but I have personally heard at least one white person make such a claim.

My instinct is to scoff and to find such a statement deeply offensive. I mean, what kind of white privilege do you need to feel comfortable declaring such a thing?

But perhaps that’s how transphobic people react to the struggle of the transgender. I couldn’t say, but it seems tenuous to simply trust my instinct with such a response.

There have been some great take downs of so-called “transracialness”: in pretending to be black, Dolezal indulged “in blackness as a commodity.”

Transgendered people face a real struggle – as Jenner told Vanity Fair, “I’m not doing this to be interesting. I’m doing this to live,” while “Dolezal is not trying to survive. She’s merely indulging in the fantasy of being ‘other.'”

Or as another article puts it: “Rachel didn’t want to be Black because she *felt* Black, because Black is not a feeling.  Black is an existence that was created for us by racists as a tool to justify ill-treatment and codify oppression into law.”

These are helpful arguments, but they still don’t quite satisfy me.

After all, it was just last week that I was hearing that long-time feminist leaders felt uncomfortable with Jenner’s decision to come out as femme. After all, what does it mean to “feel” like a woman? Certainly it is more than being a pin-up girl.

While it is easy to dismiss such concerns as transphobic, I think it’s more productive to engage assuming good intentions.

Elinor Burkett writes that “Women like me are not lost in false paradoxes; we were smashing binary views of male and female well before most Americans had ever heard the word ‘transgender’ or used the word ‘binary’ as an adjective.”

Whether appropriate or not, I can see why she might be disappointed to see a person who has benefited much of her life from male privilege choosing to showcase her womanhood in such a gender-stereotypical way.

So all of this has gotten us nowhere.

Power and privilege are make it more inappropriate for a white woman to claim blackness, but its not solely an issue of power and privilege.

After all, there is a power dynamic at play when it comes to trans women – but I believe it is our moral responsibility to welcome trans women as sisters and invite them to (re)define womanhood with us – whatever that means to them.

The situation with Dolezal is different. I wouldn’t presume to tell the black community what they should or should not do, but neither would I fault them for refusing to embrace Dolezal and for finding her blackface routine offensive. It is offensive.

The reality is that race is a social construct, and that gender is a social construct, but that does not mean that we should treat them the same.

That fact that this is all so confusing is good – it emphasizes the constructed nature of these institutions and forces us to re-evaluate what it means to have a gender or a race, and it makes us confront the important question of who has the right to define those terms.

As a white person, am I comfortable leaving it to the black community to define blackness, but as a woman I would be dissatisfied with any definition of “female” which excluded trans women – even if that’s what was wanted by the majority of people who were identified as women at birth.

So power is a critical piece of this, but there is some more.

Michel Foucault brilliantly documented how mental illness is a social construct. And how, like many other constructs, it can be dangerous – giving those in power permission to detain and torture those who are found to be outside the norm.

But just because it is a social construct, doesn’t imply that anyone can declare themselves mad.

In fact, mental health can be a positive social construct – allowing people who need help to get the help that they need. And hopefully, someday, removing the stigma around mental health.

All of that is to say that “social construct” is not one thing. They are not universally bad and we should not deconstruct them all to be universally permeable.

Social constructs are how we make sense of the world around us. They are how people in power maintain their power, but they are also how those who are oppressed reclaim their power.

It’s messy and it’s complicated and its complex – because by its very definition a social construct is “constructed” by society. It’s a thin facade that quickly looses coherence when questioned.

These are our rules, our collective rules, and we have the right to change them – or not – as we see fit.

The social construct of race has a very different history from the construct of gender for one simple reason – they are not the same and they shouldn’t be treated as such.

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A Request for Civics and US History teachers from FLDOE

Our friend and colleague, Ashley Palelis, is the social studies specialist at the Florida Department of Education. She is reaching out to US History and Civics teachers here in Florida to get some idea of which course benchmarks are most difficult to teach and to learn. Any feedback that you can provide here would be greatly appreciated! Here message is below, and her email is Ashley.Palelis@fldoe.org. This is the state asking its teachers their thoughts, so share them!! And, btw, we would love to hear this as well, for both US History and Civics, so feel free to CC me at Stephen.Masyada@ucf.edu..

I would like your input on the most difficult benchmarks for your teachers and students both in civics and high school U.S. history. Which benchmarks are hardest for your teachers to teach? Which benchmarks do your students struggle with the most?
 
If you are able, please send me a list of those benchmarks by Friday, June 19th. I would greatly appreciate your help! I know it may be difficult to ask your teachers during summer, but if you are able to get their input that would be great. Otherwise a list of what you have heard from them or benchmarks you know are struggles will work.

Regrowing Democracy — The Role of Higher Education

If, as William Hastie, the first black federal judge, put it, "democracy is a journey not a destination," we've gotten off track.

Democracy today is narrowed to elections. Government-centered definitions eviscerate the "great word whose history remains unwritten," as the poet Walt Whitman put it. Shrinking democracy collapses education's purpose to a ticket for individual success. Work comes to mean jobs with value measured by profit margins, a definition which threatens massive unemployment in the age of the smart machines described in Nicholas Carr's The Glass Cage and Martin Ford's Rise of the Robots.

If asked seriously, very few Americans really believe that politicians are going to fix our problems for us. But what to do? We need a "we the people democracy" once again and the education and work that can make it come back alive if we are to rebuild our confidence and renew our hope.

Vibrant democracy in American history wove elections into a much bigger way of life. From the Greek demos, people, and kratia, power, democracy meant the "powers of the society," whose "only safe depository," Thomas Jefferson argued, was the people. This came to life in the "portable democracy" described by historian Robert Wiebe in Self-Rule - A Cultural History of Democracy. As settlers built democracy through clearing lands, building towns, and working together on problems, democracy became their creation. The self-organizing spirit animated democratizing movements to "build a more perfect union," from unions and abolition, to women's movements, farmers movements, and the modern civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s.

Skills of a democratic way of life developed through education and work with civic meanings. Thus the Leather Apron Club, founded by Benjamin Franklin in Philadelphia, included tradesmen, artisans, and shopkeepers. The club, with lively discussions about public affairs, was a civic network for "doing well by doing good." Members organized a street-sweeping corps, volunteer firefighters, tax-supported neighborhood constables, health and life insurance groups, a library, a hospital, a school for young people, a society for spreading scientific discoveries, and a postal system.

Education tied to work with public purposes animated movements like the Grange, settlements, and workmen's circles.

The New Deal drew on this history. When Franklin Roosevelt proposed the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), employing three million young men between 1933 and 1942, he argued that "more important than the material gains will be the moral and spiritual value of the work." The CCC made immense contributions to conservation. It also helped school "the greatest generation." In 1947, President Truman's Commission on Higher Education said "the first and most essential charge upon higher education is that... it shall be the carrier of democratic values, ideals and processes."

Our Center for Democracy and Citizenship's study of what makes Minnesota the most civically engaged state, including the highest voting levels, conducted with the National Conference of Citizenship, concluded that a rich history of citizen-organized education with strong connections to the life of communities and work with public meanings was key.

Higher education has mushroomed. In 2011, 21 million students were enrolled part or full time. Economic activity of colleges and universities is more than a trillion dollars yearly. But the democracy mission has eroded as an "Ivory Tower" culture has taken hold, described in the recent documentary by that name. As a result, politicians like Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker and Doug Ducey of Arizona make hay by depicting colleges as out of touch.

Yet stirrings of a movement to renew higher education's democracy purpose are appearing, tied to educating for work for the common good, colleges that are part of the life of communities, and a revitalized vision of democracy as a way of life.

At Augsburg College in Minneapolis, nursing and teaching programs aim to prepare "citizen professionals" as change agents. The special education program sends student-teachers to schools to work with special needs kids on public issues they care about like bullying, obesity, and animal cruelty. It creates empowering environments for those with disabilities while equipping future teachers with civic skills. "When I heard words like power, change, and public life, I realized this is was what was craving without naming it," says Nora Ulseth, an Augsburg student. "College is where we train teachers. Unless we teach how to be change agents nothing will change."

Leaders like Nancy Cantor, Chancellor of the Rutgers University-Newark, call for universities to be citizens of a place, not on the side lines studying it. The university's Express Newark center conveys the culture of the city, locating faculty as citizens who contribute to the community, not a breed apart.

Higher education is the upstream school of leadership in our knowledge society. If its democracy movement spreads it will generate help to revive America's democratic soul.

Harry C. Boyte edits Democracy's Education: Public Work, Citizenship, and the Future of Colleges and Universities (Vanderbilt University Press 2015)