job openings in civic renewal (10)

This is the tenth in an occasional series. Just two jobs in this post, but they are important and good ones. Four good jobs in this post:

Director of Public Engagement for Public Agenda. Public Agenda is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to helping leaders and citizens navigate divisive, complex issues and work together on solutions. For forty years, Public Agenda has fought gridlock and facilitated public problem solving on K-12 and higher education, health care, criminal justice reform, and many other issues. We do so by acting as an honest broker employing the tools of research, engagement, and communications. We also seek to contribute to the field of deliberative democracy and enhance the nation’s capacity to solve problems.

The director of public engagement leads a team in the development and execution of public engagement projects on a variety of local and national issues, and leads the ongoing development of our public engagement methods, products and services.

Senior Associate and Public Engagement Associate at the Great Schools Partnership, a leading education nonprofit working to create innovative models of public schooling. With offices located in downtown Portland, Maine, the Great Schools Partnership works on a variety of small- and large-scale educational projects throughout Maine, New England, and the country. The Partnership offers professional development and technical assistance to educators, schools, districts, and state agencies, while also developing practical school-improvement resources and coordinating the implementation of grant initiatives.

Director of Leadership for the Greater Good, Engaged Cornell. The 10-year Engaged Cornell initiative, launched last October, is charged with promoting innovation in community- engaged and real-world learning, and making those practices the hallmark of the Cornell undergraduate experience. This is a $150 million initiative for community-engaged learning.

Director, Annette Strauss Institute for Civic Life, University of Texas. The Director will be a well-known figure in government, politics, or the civic engagement community; knowledgeable specifically about Texas and United States government and its politics, as well as possessing acumen in non-partisan activities. The Director will serve as an inspirational leader both internally and externally, acting as the face of the Institute for its many publics. Funded by the state monies, grants, and private donations, the current income for the Institute is $1.3 million and the long-range plan is to grow the endowment by $10 million over the next five years.

 

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Call for Papers for New Journal of Dialogue Studies

We are happy to share the announcement below from Elena Liedig of the Dialogue Society. Elena’s announcement came via our great Submit-to-Blog Form. Do you have news you want to share with the NCDD network? Just click here to submit your news post for the NCDD Blog!


Call for Papers for Journal of Dialogue Studies
Autumn 2015, Volume 3, Number 2
Dialogue and Democracy

Paper submission deadline: 07/11/2015

This is a call for papers for the Journal of Dialogue Studies, a multidisciplinary, blind-peer-reviewed academic journal published twice a year. The Journal seeks to bring together a body of original scholarship on the theory and practice of dialogue that can be critically appraised and discussed. It aims to contribute towards establishing ‘dialogue studies’ as a distinct academic field (or perhaps even emerging discipline). It is hoped that this will be directly useful not only to scholars and students but also to professionals and practitioners working in different contexts at various cultural interfaces.

The Editors would like to call for papers providing ‘dialogue and democracy’ for the forthcoming issue. However, authors are also welcome to submit papers that address the topic of the previous issues, namely ‘social scientific and historical analysis of dialogue practice’, ‘dialogue ethics’, ‘critiquing dialogue theories’, or indeed any other paper that comes within the remit of the Journal as described below. All papers, regardless of their particular theme, will be considered so long as they are in line with the aims and focus of the Journal. Please see below for more information.

For the Journal’s Editorial Team, Editorial Board, article submission guideline, style-guide and past issues please click here or visit: www.DialogueStudies.org.

Papers within General Remit of Journal

The Journal publishes conceptual, research, and/or case-based works on both theory and practice, and papers that discuss wider social, cultural or political issues as these relate to the practice and evaluation of dialogue. Dialogue is understood provisionally as: meaningful interaction and exchange between individuals and/or people of different groups (social, cultural, political and religious) who come together through various kinds of conversations or activities with a view to increased understanding.

Some scholars will want to question that description of dialogue, and others may be sceptical of the effectiveness of dialogue as a mechanism to produce increased understanding. The Editors of course welcome vigorous discussion and debate on these and other fundamental questions.

The Editors do not have any preference as regards the general disciplinary background of the work. Indeed contributions will be welcome from a variety of disciplines which may, for example, include sociology, anthropology, cultural studies, linguistics, the study of religion, politics, international relations or law.

Papers on ‘Dialogue and Democracy’

The Editors invite papers on dialogue and democracy, including papers critically appraising the following areas:

  • What is the relationship between dialogue and democracy?
  • How is dialogue espoused by different practitioners of democracy, from leaders to the general public?
  • The positive and negative impact dialogue can have on democracy.
  • What can democracy learn from dialogue?
  • Are politics and/or power structures within the context of a democratic system compatible with dialogue values and processes?
  • What role if any can dialogue play in supporting the processes that produce and develop government policies?
  • Are political ambitions and dialogic aspirations mutually exclusive?

Papers on ‘Social Scientific and Historical Analysis of Dialogue Practice’

  • Where do dialogue practices come from, sociologically and intellectually?
  • How has dialogue practice changed/developed over time in a particular place, religious/interreligious context and/or post conflict context?
  • How have dialogue practices been shaped by overlapping areas of theory, policy and practice?
  • How have dialogue practices themselves impacted upon societal issues or discourse?
  • Mapping the existing field of practice and study.
  • Sociological and historical analysis of the perception of the need for ‘dialogue’ given its current status as a preferred means of community engagement or management of community/intergroup tensions or conflict.
    (See Fern Elsdon-Baker, JDS 1:1)

Papers on ‘Dialogue Ethics’

The Editors invite papers with a focus on dialogue and ethics, including papers critically exploring the following areas:

  • Dialogic ethics as conceived by dialogue theorists such as Buber, Gadamer, Freire (and developed by others)
  • Ethics espoused and/or enacted by leaders of/participants in dialogue
  • Dialogue as a process of ethics formation/refinement
  • Underlying and perhaps unstated values in dialogue:
    • What kind of interaction is seen valid or as meaningful? What are the criteria? Who decides? (Fern Eldson-Baker, JDS 1:1)
    • Where building understanding is conceived as goal of dialogue, ‘what understandings are valued and how [are] such understandings… defined’? (Michael Atkinson, JDS 1:1)
  • Ethical pitfalls in the practice of dialogue

Papers on ‘Critiquing Dialogue Theories’

By dialogue ‘theories’ is meant developed, significant understandings or principles of dialogue. The Editors are open to papers exploring theories extrapolated by the author from the significant and distinctive practice of a dialogue practitioner who has perhaps not elaborated his/her ideas in writing. They invite papers which address critical/evaluative questions such as the following:

  • Which dialogue theories are/have been most influential in practice?
  • Do dialogue theories make sense in relation to relevant bodies of research and established theories?
  • Do dialogue theories sufficiently take account of power imbalances?
  • How far are dialogue theories relevant/useful to dialogue in practice?
  • Do normative dialogue theories have anything to offer in challenging contexts in which circumstances often suggested as preconditions for dialogue (for example, equality, empathetic listening, the bringing of assumption into the open, safety) simply do not obtain?

The Editors welcome papers which address these questions in relation to one or more than one specified dialogue theories. They also welcome critical case studies of the application of specified dialogue theories in practice.

In all papers submitted, a concern with the theory or practice of dialogue should be in the foreground.

While the Editors do not wish to be prescriptive about the definition of dialogue, they do specify that papers should have a clear bearing on ‘live’ dialogue – actual interaction between human beings; papers which analyse written, fictional dialogue without relating this clearly and convincingly to ‘live’ dialogue are not suitable for the Journal.

Case studies should include a high level of critical evaluation of the practice in question, and/or apply dialogue theory in a way that advances understanding or critique of that theory and/or its application.

Papers should be submitted by email attachment to: journal[at]dialoguesociety[dot]org and must be received by July 11th, 2015 in order to allow sufficient time for peer review. Manuscripts should be presented in a form that meets the requirements set out in Journal’s Article Submission Guidelines, provided here, and Style Guide, provided here. The running order for Volume 3, Number 2, listing the papers to be published in that issue, will be announced by the beginning of September 2015. For further information please click here.

Please send any queries to the Editorial Team via journal[at]dialoguesociety[dot]org.

Race, Gender, and Social Constructs

This story about Rachel Dolezal – the NAACP leader who represented herself as black even though she is white – has been blowing my mind since I first heard about it.

Seriously, I have so many questions.

But with Dolezal announcing her resignation today, it seems unlikely that I’m going to get any of the answers I’m looking for.

But the whole affair has raised some interesting questions.

Isn’t race a social construct? How is being ‘transracial’ different from being transgender? Why should we celebrate Caitlyn Jenner but shun Rachel Dolezal?

Those are good questions, and they are important questions.

In my circles, these questions have mostly come from well-intentioned liberals – myself included – trying to articulate what our instinct tells us so plainly: ‘transracial’ – if that even is a thing – is not the same as transgender.

There may be some parallels, sure. For example, I can imagine Dolezal claiming that she is a “black woman on the inside,” or that she was born into the wrong body. I’ll never know Dolezal’s true motivations, but I have personally heard at least one white person make such a claim.

My instinct is to scoff and to find such a statement deeply offensive. I mean, what kind of white privilege do you need to feel comfortable declaring such a thing?

But perhaps that’s how transphobic people react to the struggle of the transgender. I couldn’t say, but it seems tenuous to simply trust my instinct with such a response.

There have been some great take downs of so-called “transracialness”: in pretending to be black, Dolezal indulged “in blackness as a commodity.”

Transgendered people face a real struggle – as Jenner told Vanity Fair, “I’m not doing this to be interesting. I’m doing this to live,” while “Dolezal is not trying to survive. She’s merely indulging in the fantasy of being ‘other.'”

Or as another article puts it: “Rachel didn’t want to be Black because she *felt* Black, because Black is not a feeling.  Black is an existence that was created for us by racists as a tool to justify ill-treatment and codify oppression into law.”

These are helpful arguments, but they still don’t quite satisfy me.

After all, it was just last week that I was hearing that long-time feminist leaders felt uncomfortable with Jenner’s decision to come out as femme. After all, what does it mean to “feel” like a woman? Certainly it is more than being a pin-up girl.

While it is easy to dismiss such concerns as transphobic, I think it’s more productive to engage assuming good intentions.

Elinor Burkett writes that “Women like me are not lost in false paradoxes; we were smashing binary views of male and female well before most Americans had ever heard the word ‘transgender’ or used the word ‘binary’ as an adjective.”

Whether appropriate or not, I can see why she might be disappointed to see a person who has benefited much of her life from male privilege choosing to showcase her womanhood in such a gender-stereotypical way.

So all of this has gotten us nowhere.

Power and privilege are make it more inappropriate for a white woman to claim blackness, but its not solely an issue of power and privilege.

After all, there is a power dynamic at play when it comes to trans women – but I believe it is our moral responsibility to welcome trans women as sisters and invite them to (re)define womanhood with us – whatever that means to them.

The situation with Dolezal is different. I wouldn’t presume to tell the black community what they should or should not do, but neither would I fault them for refusing to embrace Dolezal and for finding her blackface routine offensive. It is offensive.

The reality is that race is a social construct, and that gender is a social construct, but that does not mean that we should treat them the same.

That fact that this is all so confusing is good – it emphasizes the constructed nature of these institutions and forces us to re-evaluate what it means to have a gender or a race, and it makes us confront the important question of who has the right to define those terms.

As a white person, am I comfortable leaving it to the black community to define blackness, but as a woman I would be dissatisfied with any definition of “female” which excluded trans women – even if that’s what was wanted by the majority of people who were identified as women at birth.

So power is a critical piece of this, but there is some more.

Michel Foucault brilliantly documented how mental illness is a social construct. And how, like many other constructs, it can be dangerous – giving those in power permission to detain and torture those who are found to be outside the norm.

But just because it is a social construct, doesn’t imply that anyone can declare themselves mad.

In fact, mental health can be a positive social construct – allowing people who need help to get the help that they need. And hopefully, someday, removing the stigma around mental health.

All of that is to say that “social construct” is not one thing. They are not universally bad and we should not deconstruct them all to be universally permeable.

Social constructs are how we make sense of the world around us. They are how people in power maintain their power, but they are also how those who are oppressed reclaim their power.

It’s messy and it’s complicated and its complex – because by its very definition a social construct is “constructed” by society. It’s a thin facade that quickly looses coherence when questioned.

These are our rules, our collective rules, and we have the right to change them – or not – as we see fit.

The social construct of race has a very different history from the construct of gender for one simple reason – they are not the same and they shouldn’t be treated as such.

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A Request for Civics and US History teachers from FLDOE

Our friend and colleague, Ashley Palelis, is the social studies specialist at the Florida Department of Education. She is reaching out to US History and Civics teachers here in Florida to get some idea of which course benchmarks are most difficult to teach and to learn. Any feedback that you can provide here would be greatly appreciated! Here message is below, and her email is Ashley.Palelis@fldoe.org. This is the state asking its teachers their thoughts, so share them!! And, btw, we would love to hear this as well, for both US History and Civics, so feel free to CC me at Stephen.Masyada@ucf.edu..

I would like your input on the most difficult benchmarks for your teachers and students both in civics and high school U.S. history. Which benchmarks are hardest for your teachers to teach? Which benchmarks do your students struggle with the most?
 
If you are able, please send me a list of those benchmarks by Friday, June 19th. I would greatly appreciate your help! I know it may be difficult to ask your teachers during summer, but if you are able to get their input that would be great. Otherwise a list of what you have heard from them or benchmarks you know are struggles will work.

Regrowing Democracy — The Role of Higher Education

If, as William Hastie, the first black federal judge, put it, "democracy is a journey not a destination," we've gotten off track.

Democracy today is narrowed to elections. Government-centered definitions eviscerate the "great word whose history remains unwritten," as the poet Walt Whitman put it. Shrinking democracy collapses education's purpose to a ticket for individual success. Work comes to mean jobs with value measured by profit margins, a definition which threatens massive unemployment in the age of the smart machines described in Nicholas Carr's The Glass Cage and Martin Ford's Rise of the Robots.

If asked seriously, very few Americans really believe that politicians are going to fix our problems for us. But what to do? We need a "we the people democracy" once again and the education and work that can make it come back alive if we are to rebuild our confidence and renew our hope.

Vibrant democracy in American history wove elections into a much bigger way of life. From the Greek demos, people, and kratia, power, democracy meant the "powers of the society," whose "only safe depository," Thomas Jefferson argued, was the people. This came to life in the "portable democracy" described by historian Robert Wiebe in Self-Rule - A Cultural History of Democracy. As settlers built democracy through clearing lands, building towns, and working together on problems, democracy became their creation. The self-organizing spirit animated democratizing movements to "build a more perfect union," from unions and abolition, to women's movements, farmers movements, and the modern civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s.

Skills of a democratic way of life developed through education and work with civic meanings. Thus the Leather Apron Club, founded by Benjamin Franklin in Philadelphia, included tradesmen, artisans, and shopkeepers. The club, with lively discussions about public affairs, was a civic network for "doing well by doing good." Members organized a street-sweeping corps, volunteer firefighters, tax-supported neighborhood constables, health and life insurance groups, a library, a hospital, a school for young people, a society for spreading scientific discoveries, and a postal system.

Education tied to work with public purposes animated movements like the Grange, settlements, and workmen's circles.

The New Deal drew on this history. When Franklin Roosevelt proposed the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), employing three million young men between 1933 and 1942, he argued that "more important than the material gains will be the moral and spiritual value of the work." The CCC made immense contributions to conservation. It also helped school "the greatest generation." In 1947, President Truman's Commission on Higher Education said "the first and most essential charge upon higher education is that... it shall be the carrier of democratic values, ideals and processes."

Our Center for Democracy and Citizenship's study of what makes Minnesota the most civically engaged state, including the highest voting levels, conducted with the National Conference of Citizenship, concluded that a rich history of citizen-organized education with strong connections to the life of communities and work with public meanings was key.

Higher education has mushroomed. In 2011, 21 million students were enrolled part or full time. Economic activity of colleges and universities is more than a trillion dollars yearly. But the democracy mission has eroded as an "Ivory Tower" culture has taken hold, described in the recent documentary by that name. As a result, politicians like Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker and Doug Ducey of Arizona make hay by depicting colleges as out of touch.

Yet stirrings of a movement to renew higher education's democracy purpose are appearing, tied to educating for work for the common good, colleges that are part of the life of communities, and a revitalized vision of democracy as a way of life.

At Augsburg College in Minneapolis, nursing and teaching programs aim to prepare "citizen professionals" as change agents. The special education program sends student-teachers to schools to work with special needs kids on public issues they care about like bullying, obesity, and animal cruelty. It creates empowering environments for those with disabilities while equipping future teachers with civic skills. "When I heard words like power, change, and public life, I realized this is was what was craving without naming it," says Nora Ulseth, an Augsburg student. "College is where we train teachers. Unless we teach how to be change agents nothing will change."

Leaders like Nancy Cantor, Chancellor of the Rutgers University-Newark, call for universities to be citizens of a place, not on the side lines studying it. The university's Express Newark center conveys the culture of the city, locating faculty as citizens who contribute to the community, not a breed apart.

Higher education is the upstream school of leadership in our knowledge society. If its democracy movement spreads it will generate help to revive America's democratic soul.

Harry C. Boyte edits Democracy's Education: Public Work, Citizenship, and the Future of Colleges and Universities (Vanderbilt University Press 2015)

the seventh annual Summer Institute of Civic Studies is underway

We will be meeting daily for 6-7 hours of seminar discussion for the next two weeks. The syllabus is here. This year’s participants include professors and civic activists from Zimbabwe, Liberia, Mexico, the Netherlands, and Singapore, as well as professors, graduate students, NGO leaders, social entrepreneurs, and a civil servant from the US. Today we will be considering some topics that I’ve blogged before: why Margaret Mead’s exhortation to “change the world” is inspiring but flawed; Seamus Heaney’s vision of a “Republic of Conscience”; the relationship between education/human development and civic engagement; the work of Vincent and Elinor Ostrom; and Elinor Ostrom’s own framework.

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Tips on How to Stop Talking and Start Acting from EvDem

Making the transition from doing dialogue to taking action is often difficult, but helping groups make that shift is the specialty of the folks at Everyday Democracy – an NCDD member organization. We encourage you to read their six tips on the move below or to find the original post by clicking here.


6 Steps for Moving from Dialouge to Action

EvDem LogoTypically, the action coming from dialogues falls into various categories. Large, diverse programs will result in many different kinds of change, happening at all levels in the community. for individuals, ideas for change start through the dialogue process. Collective action and change often begin after the round of dialogues, when participants pool their action ideas. It is these ideas for collective change that can require additional oversight and resources.

1. Refer back to your program goals

Review the decisions the coalition made about program goals and supporting action during its planning conversations. Establishing an action committee will help you organize this phase of the process. Make sure the action committee has the right diversity of people and skills to help move from dialogue to action. Pay particular attention to whether the people on the action committee reflect the demographics of your community. Make sure that people from group which have been excluded in the past from decision-making have a meaningful role on the committee.

2. Decide how much support you can provide for action initiatives

With members of the coalition, action committee, and coordinator, talk about what will happen when the dialogues conclude. Consider these questions:

  • What kinds of support can we give to the action teams (coordinating, administrative, tracking, etc.)? For how long?
  • Who will plan the action forum?
  • What kinds of resources do we need? How do we ensure that resources are distributed equitably?
  • What will we do with the action ideas that the action teams are not working on?

3. Develop a process for collecting and prioritizing ideas from the dialogues

Decide what the facilitator/recorder should report out from each dialogue group. Then consider these questions:

  • Who will be responsible for collecting the records from each dialogue group?
  • Who will review the records and put them in a workable format?
  • What is the best way to track themes, trends, and categories of ideas as they emerge?
  • How will we pool the ideas across the dialogues, and choose overall priorities?
  • How many action ideas do we think we are able to work with?

Some programs combine records into a report for the program as a whole. This can be distributed at the action forum, used to give updates to public officials and journalists, and can form the basis of significant input into policy decisions.

4. Plan the action forum

The action forum is a community event designed to tie together the work of the individual dialogues, and help participants move to individual and collective action. At the forum, groups can share their ideas for action, and participants can join or create action efforts.

The action forum should take place no more than two weeks after each round of dialogues to build on the momentum of the discussions.

5. Assist action team leaders before they begin their work

It is very important to support your action team leaders! Here are some guidelines to keep in mind as they begin their work:

  • Include people from diverse backgrounds who know a lot about the issue and have the authority to help implement change.
  • Establish ground rules.
  • Establish a process for working together, including decision making, a timeline, and a meeting schedule.
  • Clarify goals. What kind of change do we want to see? How will we know if we are successful? What are our short-term and long-term goals? Who benefits and who might be left behind by these goals?
  • Find out what else is going on in the community related to this action idea. How can you connect to those efforts?
  • Think about what barriers you might face when implementing an action idea, and how you could prevent or overcome them.
  • Stay in touch. How will the work be connected to the overall dialogue-to-change program? How will we report our outcomes?

6. Track and support the action and change efforts

Even if you aren’t providing direct assistance to action teams, it’s important to stay in touch with the groups. If possible, bring everyone together from time to time to share progress and challenges and to stay connected. This is a great way to re-energize the groups and share resources and strategies.

As the action teams continue their work, keep the community informed of their efforts and the changes that are taking place. A lot of people and organizations invested a lot of time and resources into the program and they’d like to see a positive outcome.