Changing “Child-Adult” Dynamics in Public Participation

Our partners at the Kettering Foundation recently published an insightful interview about civic infrastructure and the relationship between elected officials and their constituents with NCDD supporting member Matt Leighninger of the Deliberative Democracy Consortium. We encourage you to read it below or to find the original by clicking here.


kfMatt Leighninger thinks the capacities of citizens have grown tremendously over the years. But one of the misalignments between having better engagement and more productive use of citizens’ capacities has been the inclination of decision makers to adopt a “child-to-adult” orientation to the public. What we need, he says, is an “adult-to-adult relationship.”

In thinking about how we create those types of relationships, former KF research assistant Jack Becker has been talking with civic leaders around the United States. He recently interviewed Matt Leighninger, the executive director of the Deliberative Democracy Consortium (DDC), an alliance of major organizations and leading scholars working in the field of deliberation and public engagement. The DDC represents more than 50 foundations, nonprofit organizations, and universities, collaborating to support research activities and advance democratic practice in North America and around the world. Over the last 16 years, Matt has worked with public engagement efforts in more than 100 communities, in 40 states and four Canadian provinces. Matt is a senior associate for Everyday Democracy and serves on the boards of E-Democracy.Org, the National School Public Relations Association, and The Democracy Imperative.

One of topics I’ve been trying to put my finger on is civic infrastructure. When I talked with Sandy Heierbacher about this, she explained it as “the big picture of why we do this work” which she goes on to say are “the underlying systems and structures that enable people to come together to address their challenges effectively.” Betty Knighton added to this discussion by arguing that we have to do a better job at identifying where these “conversations occur naturally in our community.” Matt Leighninger, one of our fields’ many careful surveyors of community engagement practices, contributed to this conversation by tracing some of the arenas of practice and thinking about what kind of leadership it takes to foster engagement.

Jack Becker: When we think of civic infrastructure what activities are most important?

Matt Leighninger: There are official spaces set up for participation like public meetings, public hearings, advisory committees, some of which are legally required, some of which are traditional things which our governments and school systems have established. Then there are more informal or semi-formal kinds of things at the grassroots level like parent-teacher associations (PTAs), homeowners associations, labour associations, and community organizing outfits. Some of them have semi-official connections in certain situations to local governments (for example, PTAs are connected to the school) and sometimes they do not. There are other associations that people belong to in some sense but are not necessarily that participatory or are not that meaningful to them like vehicles for fundraising, rather than mediating institutions. There is a new kind of locus for engagement like online forums that are popping up around geographic interest or issue-based interest and often they are poorly connected or not connected to the official participation structures or the informal grassroots ground floor of democracy groups that are a little bit older and not so online focused. I think these are some of the main things in terms of arenas for people that are a part of the infrastructure.

In The Civic Renewal Movement: Community Building and Democracy in the United States by Carmen Sirianni and Lewis A. Friedland (2005), the authors trace innovations in democratic engagement by looking at various arenas of practice, such as urban planning, health, and education, among others. How do you see engagement in these arenas of practice?

They all have taken somewhat different paths in different issue areas and they are generally not connected at all with one another. So, within land use and planning, we see it is driven to a large extent by increasingly tense confrontations between residents and planners and residents and the local officials or developers around various kinds of land use decisions. I see one of the motivating factors of increased engagement being the desire to avoid the screaming-match type of meetings. With health, it’s more driven by the data and the realization that the social determinants of health and the way people live is in many ways much more influential as far as their health plan comes in than what kind of care they get. So, healthy communities’ coalitions which started emerging 20 years ago kind of reflect that interest on how to improve health or figure out how to reduce obesity or substance abuse or promote healthier living by biking or through similar activities. With education, it is more financial than anything else. Some of it has to do with the same worries like the screaming-match meeting and also other kinds of issues like school closures, which is a definite driver of engagement of education, and financial stuff like funding, which is mainly district level and not grassroots level.

In what ways are these areas of practice being connected together?

I don’t think there’s a lot of work to connect them, and that’s a shame for all kinds of reasons. One basic one is that public participation is incredibly inefficient in the sense that it is each organization and an issue area on its own trying to engage people in those issues despite the fact that these people often have interests in a range of issues, they don’t just care about education, they care about other things too, and also because the issues themselves are interrelated (for example, healthy kids learn better and having places to live affects their health). So, it makes sense to try and think how you can achieve participation in a more holistic way that is more citizen-centred rather than the way in which we try to do it now.

What kind of thinking would that require?

I think there needs to be planning, there needs to be a new form of planning. Local level primarily, but all the other levels of government and society can benefit by this and add to it. You need to be able to have people who represent a range of sectors come together and take stock of what there is and learn from each other. The most basic step that communities can do is simply bring together people who do engagement in different arenas, who often don’t even know that they exist and don’t know each other, and have them compare notes and figure out if there are ways that they can work together. That is a very basic step that can be very helpful.

I find that every so often I experience an “a-ha” moment in life and work—a moment of clarity that legitimizes my work, compels me to act, or clarifies a problem I have been working on. Have you had any of these moments recently?

This notion about connecting games and fun with participation is definitely an important “a-ha” moment. Games are not simply a way to liven an otherwise dull process. The meaning here is kind of deeper. If you are thinking like a game designer, you’re thinking about how you are going to gratify people and if you can do that effectively, then that’s essentially the same kind of thinking that has to go into public engagement even if what you are designing is not necessarily a game. Then there is the importance of thinking about the frequency of participation and the fact that it might be better to plan things that are more frequent and regular, such as every week. In some of these online game forums, the amount of time people are spending is probably a fair amount of time and some of the tasks are quite complex, all this runs counter to the impulses engagement people have to think we have to make participation convenient for people because they have short attention spans and are very busy. I think we should spend more time questioning these assumptions.

So public participation should be gratifying and competitive like a game? That seems to really buck conventional wisdom.

Well certainly. Socializing, cultural things like food, music and drama, and cross-generational socializing, these things carry with them a basic gratification. With cross-generational socializing, for example, it’s not just that people want to hang out with the younger people, it’s actually younger people that want to hang out with the senior citizens. The cross-generational thing is actually real. Friendly competition between people should be a part of the exercises, too, because that is a motivator and people enjoy it and again, it kind of runs a little bit counter to the traditions that have gone into this field because a lot of people came into this because they cared about conflict resolution or were tired of competitive politics. And yet, competition is not necessarily a bad thing and I think it can be really productive.

One of the challenges we have in making the case for better public participation essentially boils down to a communications problem. It can take a long time to explain this work well so finding analogies that make sense to people is important. Do you have any insight into how we can do this?

Well I had a good sense after many years of doing this work about the small picture of democracy and community engagement: how you recruit people, organize meetings and facilitate them. But it wasn’t until many years after that, that I got a sense of the big picture when I was in Lakewood, Colorado, which is a suburb of Denver. I was there because residents of Lakewood had said in surveys that it was a great community. They thought that the schools and parks were good, they valued the services they were getting from the local government, everything was wonderful and yet the city budget had gone fairly deeply into the red because 9 times in the last 30 years citizens had voted down sales tax increases to maintain the same level of services. So the mayor had brought people together for a meeting to talk about this. There were various community leaders present and other citizens, and the mayor asked them what they wanted him to do, whether he should raise taxes or cut services. Somebody said, “Mayor, we like you and we think you are right for us but essentially what we have had here is an apparent child-to-adult relationship between the citizens and government, and what we need to establish is an adult-to-adult relationship.” We need more of this kind of analogy because people can relate to it.

Do you think there is recognition amongst public and elected officials that citizens want to be treated like adults, and within that, what an adult relationship looks like?

Some of them do, but a lot of them don’t. What’s difficult is that their experiences with participation are so bad. Their experiences with public engagement is three minutes on a microphone in a meeting where they don’t get anything out of it and they feel attacked and mistrusted and citizens tend not to like them. The interviews that Tina and Cynthia did a couple of years ago with state legislators and members of congress show a dark and dire picture. They had almost no ability to envision any kind of better setup and that was the most disturbing thing about that. Not only did they have all these bad experiences, they just didn’t think it was possible to have a productive conversation with a group of people. They have some conversations with citizens in the grocery store or somewhere public but other than that they have no good interactions with citizens.

But they do want to have more positive interactions with citizens, right?

Yes, if you push them on they would probably propose this kind of adult-to-adult framework and they would resonate with that. But not only do they have a hard time envisioning what it would look like, they also on many cases don’t think that it is even possible.

You’ve contributed to this work about “making public participation legal.” I think most people’s reaction is to say, “I didn’t know it was illegal.” But actually, as you point out, it’s not particularly clear what forms of participation are explicitly authorized, and many officials are afraid to take chances with forms of participation other than the conventional public hearing.

It’s not true that all participation is legal, of course, but I think part of the point that we are making in that work is that it is often unclear as to what is legal because of how outdated and how generic many laws are about the legal ways to get input from people. So, to some extent yes, there are some mandates for participation processes that don’t work. So the Budget Control Act is one example that people always point to saying the Act compels them to do certain forms of bad participation. The more common problem is not the mandate issue but is simply a lack of clarity about what is allowed and what isn’t, particularly when it comes to anything related to the Internet because most of the laws don’t really take the Internet into account. I think part of the dynamic here is that citizens’ capacities and expectations have gone way up, one way that manifests itself is that people are more litigious and so therefore people are suing their governments and other institutions at a higher rate, and other institutions are spending more money defending themselves and limiting their liabilities. As a part of that whole dynamic, the legal people inside public institutions are more powerful than ever before.

So it sounds like one of the basic trade-off calculations officials are making is about innovating in the public square and playing it safely as to not get sued. What are some other basic trade-offs you see elected officials wrestling with?

The most basic trade-off is that it is time intensive, staffing intensive, and for a short-term gain, it is often not feasible. Part of what is going to happen is that public officials and other decision makers are going to be willing to seed choices to citizens. One of the scenarios is that in exchange for votes, public officials and other people basically say, “You get the say on this,” and that’s a bargain that would work on both sides. It brings with it all kinds of dangers.

One of the basic threads of this conversation is that in some places, some of the time, some people are deciding to take a chance and do something different. That sounds like leadership, and it makes sense, you need somebody who is willing to initiate all this. So what does leadership look like among people who do engagement work?

Well, there are different kinds of levels and sets of people here. I think locally, you have to have people who have a stake in the community and are willing to take a long view, like community foundations, universities, public officials, city managers. Also, there are people who are more on the citizen side of the spectrum like longtime community organizers or chambers of commerce. It is not like they are the people who would come up with a plan all alone, but part of the whole challenge here is in involving regular people and envisioning the community that they want in terms of infrastructure and not just the environment.

Do you think there’s a portrait of a “civic leader”?

Well as you pointed out before, it has a lot to do with the willingness and the skill to engage. From so many of these leadership roles, we continue to prepare people and give people the expectation that they are going to be experts or representatives or both. And when they get into these roles, people find out that they cannot just do those things. You cannot just be an expert or just be a representative because the citizens don’t want that. Citizens want to be heard. So there’s a great deal of surprise from experts and officials as to how great citizens’ expectations are. When I first started work with officials I thought it was all going to be an intellectual thing like tools and reports and stuff like that. We got to those kinds of things, but the first thing was group therapy. We were all talking about why they were elected by their peers to make decisions on their behalf and three months into their first term everyone was screaming at them and they did not know why. So there is a major expectation shift and therefore an educational shift.

Not to count short the many citizens, communities, organizations, and public officials doing good work, but it seems like there’s a fairly small group of leaders involved in thinking about and convening this level of high quality engagement. Have you been able to work with the other leaders in the field successfully?

Yes, it is a pretty small group of people and we’ve known each other for a long time in most cases. So it is pretty congenial, and it seems like there are only a few groups. We try to support each other, and they try to convene meetings where people kind of try to compare notes, which is really good. The National Dialogue for Mental Health has been a great step forward, and it has been an actual project where people have been sort of forced to work together. You get one level of understanding of somebody by reading/hearing about it, but you get a whole advanced level of understanding where you actually have to do it together with them. But I think that’s still a very small step, and part of what we need to be doing is working more intensively with local leaders and spend more time trying to work with different kinds of organizations than with groups specifically involved in the engagement field. There is a whole new category of groups that have come along as a part of the civic infrastructure.

Jack Becker is a former Kettering Foundation research assistant. He currently works for Denver Public Schools Office of Family and Community Engagement. He can be reached at jackabecker@gmail.com. Follow him on twitter: @jackabecker

You can find the original version of this interview at http://kettering.org/kfnews/citizens-and-elected-officials.

the Brennan Center’s Student Voting Guide

(Orlando, FL) The laws governing registration and voting are confusing, rapidly changing, sometimes deliberately restrictive, and different in every state. In our 2012 youth survey, we found that substantial majorities of 18-29-year-olds did not know or misunderstood the laws that would govern their own voting, just four months before Election Day. Although only a minority of young adults are college students, students face an extra layer of laws governing registration at their campus addresses and use of their college ID at the polls. Students should therefore make sure to use the Brennan Center’s new Student Voter Guide. By clicking on your state, you can immediately see accurate and current information about registration, residency, allowable ID, absentee voting, and early voting.

The post the Brennan Center’s Student Voting Guide appeared first on Peter Levine.

Gratitude Challenge: Accepted(ish)

So. I was called out for the “Gratitude Challenge” – one of these memes where you spend five days posting three things you are grateful for.

Since I’m a terrible person who is in favor of hopelessness and opposed to happiness, you can imagine how I might feel about something like this. Just like the creatures from Where the Wild Things Are, I roll my terrible eyes and gnash my terrible teeth.

I’m just too much a cynic, skeptic, and snark to embrace this exercise as it’s meant to be embraced.

To be honest, I do love the little things in life. I am grateful for the rustle of leaves, the smell of air, the taste of ice cream cake. But nobody wants to hear about those things.

Or, at least, I don’t want to hear about these things. I just annoyed myself already.

Not to judge people who are into that kind of thing – you do you, man – but that’s just not how I roll. It’s just not.

But, if you do want to know, there is one thing which I am truly grateful for – that despite all the world’s problems, despite all the hardship, injustice, and misery we face as a society – I am grateful that there are people working every day to make our communities better.

Most of you reading this probably are those people.

So, thanks for that.

Never one to turn down a challenge, I will, of course, accept this call. But being a rebel and a wild woman, in accepting the challenge I will do so entirely by my own rules.

Over the next five blogging days, I’ll post about an organization whose work moves me. Whose efforts I am grateful for.

I’ll tell you about their work. I’ll tell you why I care. And I’ll make a donation in an amount which is meaningful to me.

I won’t tag people each day, though the rules say I should. Instead, my challenge to all of you, and to myself, is this:

Do the best you can. Do the most good you can. And do it in the way which is most meaningful to you and has the most positive impact possible.

Gratitude challenge accepted.

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Democracy and the People’s Climate March

If organizers of the 1963 March on Washington were transported fifty years later to plan the forthcoming "People's Climate March," to held at the United Nations in New York, September 21, they would not call the march's promo film released on Monday night, Disruption. The 1963 organizers, I believe, would propose a message of democracy -- we can take the future in our hands.

Revitalizing American traditions of empowering grassroots action and democratic aspiration could give the climate movement appeal far beyond the ranks of the highly committed

Keya Catterjee, Director of Sustainable Energy for the World Wildlife Fund and one of the organizers of the People's Climate March, points to the 1963 March on Washington. She argues that success happened when people left their homes and took to the streets. "All the big social movements in history have had people in the streets." The energy of the organizers involved in the Climate March resembles the March 51 years ago.

But Disruption does not convey the democratic spirit which gave the March on Washington such appeal, nor does it illuminate the process of everyday empowerment which animates grassroots democratic movements like civil rights.

Scientists in Disruption detail a long tradition of science, from Joseph Fourier in the 19th century to Charles Keeling in 1959, who described the rise of C02 emissions in the atmosphere. They make a potent case about the dangers. Scenes of cataclysmic weather add urgency. Sheldon Whitehouse, Senator from Rhode Island, argues cogently that "behind the economic problem" of taking action on climate is a "political problem."

But Disruption does little to address the political problem.

The 1963 March on Washington was based on the strategy of Bayard Rustin, March organizer, posthumously awarded a Presidential Medal of Freedom last year. As Rachelle Horowitz, his young aide who handled March transportation, describes in the CNN oral history documentary, We Were There, Rustin believed that the task was to "win over the middle." A third of the nation was behind the goals of the civil rights movement. A third was opposed. Most Americans, with everyday concerns focused elsewhere, had to be convinced.

Martin Luther King's brilliant "I Have a Dream" speech embodied this strategy. Stretched out on the floor in a sleeping bag in my father's hotel room, I heard King practice the speech in the early hours of August 28th. My father had just gone on staff of King's organization, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Dad called me while I was hitch-hiking in California before I went to college and told me to come back. "We've planned a march to get the nation's attention," he said.

In "I Have a Dream," King strikes a bold note to gain the nation's attention. "There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights," King said. "The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges."

King also coupled his challenge with an inclusive dream, integration in every corner of the nation, as well as a call to discipline. These were carefully crafted to appeal to mainstream America. "Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline."

The narrative of the People's Climate March needs to have a similarly broad appeal. It needs to invite business owners, Pentagon officials, Evangelical Christians, civic leaders in Middle America organizing sand bags lines to protect their towns from flooding. All have voiced concerns about climate change. They are not present in the documentary, "Disruption," which has a decidedly liberal-left tilt of voices.

But the march creates other opportunities to reach out.

The People's Climate March also needs to convey grassroots empowerment. Bayard Rustin, like other organizers, saw the March not as an end in itself, but as a way to surface long developing people power and give it further momentum.

Civic power germinated in what Sara Evans and I described as "free spaces" in our book Free Spaces, described in my last blog, on what makes some movements democratic, in contrast to reactive or divisive protests.

Free spaces are places in communities like churches and synagogues, schools, beauty parlors, neighborhood groups, local businesses, unions and other settings which acquire empowering, public, self-organizing qualities. In free spaces, people develop skills of collective action across differences. They cultivate imagination about possibilities of change

In the civil rights movement, community settings deepened free space qualities through SCLC's Citizenship Education Program (CEP). The vision of CEP, drafted by Septima Clark, was to "broaden the scope of democracy to include everyone and deepen the concept to include every relationship." From 1961 to 1968, CEP, directed by Dorothy Cotton, trained more than 8,000 people at the Dorchester Center in McIntosh, Georgia, who returned to their communities and trained tens of thousands more in community organizing and nonviolent change-making.

The process transformed identities from victims to agent of change, a story Cotton tells in If Your Back's Not Bent: The Role of the Citizenship Education Program in the Civil Rights Movement. "People who had lived for generations with a sense of impotence, with a consciousness of anger and victimization, now knew in no uncertain terms that if things were going to change, they themselves had to change them." Cotton calls citizenship education "people empowering."

King, often at the Dorchester Center, wrote in his "Letter from a Birmingham Jail" that the movement "was bringing the whole nation back to the great wells of democracy dug deep by the founding fathers." The civil rights movement's vision of a participatory democracy inspired a generation.

The People's Climate March could similarly help to reanimate democracy. Several other developments addressing climate questions also have this potential. For instance, a National Science Foundation workshop in October on "civic science," descends from the initiative which John Spencer and I described in an earlier Huffington Post blog.

Civic science explores, with rich case studies, how scientists can reconnect with their identities as citizens, and how the public work of addressing wicked problems like climate change create opportunities for deepening democratic capacities and democracy itself.

If the march articulates a vision of participatory democracy as well as addressing carbon emissions, it can help to revitalize a sense of "We the People" as the foundational agents of change.

Otherwise it could contribute to the political problem of polarization -- the last thing the climate change movement needs.

beyond small is beautiful

(Orlando, FL) So many of the initiatives that I admire happen to be small: classrooms devoted to reflection and service, deliberative meetings of citizens, one-on-one interviews with community organizers, efforts to restore wetlands and woods. Their leaders do not necessarily favor smallness; they may wish to “go to scale.” Yet the values they prize seem linked to smallness, and I suspect that the “Small is Beautiful” movement of the late 1960s is somehow in their heritage, whether they know it or not.

With that in mind, I’ve looked superficially at E.F. Schumacher’s popular 1973 manifesto, Small is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered. Some passages seem to me insightful. For example:

In the affairs of men, there always appears to be a need for at least two things simultaneously, which, on the face of it, seem to be incompatible and to exclude each other. We always need both freedom and order. We need the freedom of lots and lots of small, autonomous units, and, at the same time, the orderliness of large-scale, possibly global, unity and coordination. When it comes to action, we obviously need small units, because action is a highly personal affair, and one cannot be in touch with more than a very limited number of persons at any one time. But when it comes to the world of ideas, to principles or to ethics, to the indivisibility of peace and also of ecology, we need to recognise the unity mankind and base our actions upon this recognition (p. 61).

Forty years later, it is not longer so obvious that “action” requires small scale, on the basis that “one cannot be in touch with more than a very limited number of persons at any one time.” A person can have thousands of Facebook friends and Twitter followers. Moreover, networks of people who associate voluntarily can now quickly become large and powerful. Bennett and Segerberg (2012) cite, for example, los Indignados, a movement composed of 15 million protesters in 60 Spanish cities that arose in 2011. These protesters kept “political parties, unions, and other powerful political organizations out: indeed, they were targeted as part of the political problem. … The most visible organization consisted of the richly layered digital and interpersonal communication networks centering around the media hub of Democracia real YA!

Thus I would no longer draw the line between small and big. But Schumacher was right that “action is a highly personal affair”; and domains of personal action require relationships among human beings who know and hear each other and cooperate in tangible ways. Thus we can draw a distinction between personalized politics and institutionalized politics that roughly maps onto small versus big. Schumacher would say that we need both.

 personalized institutionalized
main forms of interaction talk, collaboration, relationships rules, incentives, directives, measurements
major advantages ability to take tangible action; responsiveness to individuals’ needs fairness, efficiency, predictable general rules that permit individuals to live freely, the ability to address big problems
major disadvantages exclusiveness, petty politics and bullying, failure to address macro issues individuals have modest or intangible impact
equity and inclusion mean responding to each member’s needs and interests appropriately; inviting outsiders to join rules and rights that enhance equality of opportunity and/or outcomes for a population; applying these rules impersonally
democratic decision- making can sometimes be consensual. Always requires a concern for the feelings of each member majority vote or a market system for aggregating preferences
how to deal with collective action problems personalized appeals; sometimes a violator is ostracized requirements, monitoring, and penalties (e.g., in a system of taxation)
roles are relatively informal and can be equivalent for all members formalized and differentiated

One of the most difficult questions is how to connect institutionalized and personalized politics together so that we can get the best of both. We cannot ignore big systems in order to live within our chosen networks, because the big systems govern us and ultimately decide the fate of the small associations. But as we try to move from relational politics to institutionalized politics, we often lose the distinctive virtues of the former, especially deliberate human agency.

The two main methods for expanding the scope of relational politics are: 1) replication and 2) leverage–that is, either finding ways to make relational practices happen over and over and networking them together, or else using instruments like laws or the mass media to achieve the ends that we have selected in personal interactions. Neither is easy to accomplish with integrity, and I think the whole question of how relational politics can influence mass systems is seriously under-explored.

[Sources: E.F. Schumacher (1973), Small is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered, Harper & Row; W. Lance Bennett & Alexandra Segerberg (2012) The Logic Of Connective Action:  Digital Media and the Personalization Of Contentious Politics. Information, Communication & Society (15)5:739-768.  See also Jane Mansbridge's Beyond Adversary Democracy.]

The post beyond small is beautiful appeared first on Peter Levine.

The Accidental Creeper

I don’t mean to be creepy, I’m just naturally good at it.

I mean – and perhaps it’s just because I work in communications – but it’s not uncommon for me to meet people whom I am familiar with, but who don’t know me. I have read about them, heard about them, or, perhaps even written about them.

This provides for awkward social situations.

I try to play it cool – asking conversational questions I already know the answers to – but sometimes I slip and start telling a complete stranger all about their work.

Then I have to apologize and explain that I am, in fact, not a stalker. Awkward.

This penchant is made worse by the fact that I tend to be detail-oriented, with, as I like to say, a creepy memory.

If you ask me where someone is, rather than give a simple answer, I’m too liable to respond with, “I don’t know, but – I saw them going that way X amount of time ago, and given the fact that they said Y yesterday and that I overheard Z, I would infer that they are in such-and-such location.

…And then I have to apologize and explain that I am, in fact, not a stalker. Still awkward.

In some ways, this goes back to my earlier observation about the fine line between being crazy and being thoughtful.

That is to say, what is it, really, that makes it awkward that I have information about people?

In many ways, I think, it feels like I’m not supposed to have this information because I’m not supposed to care that much about other people.

Certainly not about people I’ve never met – I should properly no nothing about them. Colleagues and acquaintances I should have a passing familiarity with, but there’s definitely a line where…past that you seem like a creeper.

But what’s funny is I’m pretty sure most people are accidental creepers.

While some people try to edge away politely when I try to explain that I’m not a stalker most people just laugh, sigh, and share – ah, I know exactly what you’re talking about.

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Global Innovation Competition Seeks Governance Ideas

We think that NCDD members will be interested to learn more about a great initiative from Making All Voices Count, who will be launching global competition of innovative governance ideas next week. We encourage you to read MAVC’s write up on the competition below or find the original piece here.  

While democracies share common features, there is no single model and the same is true for innovations designed to engage citizens and incentivise better governance.

On the International Day of Democracy September 15, Making All Voices Count, a global initiative that aims to foster and support new ideas to enable better citizen engagement and government responsiveness, will launch its second annual Global Innovation Competition (GIC).

“We’re excited to launch the GIC on this symbolic day and welcome challenging, bold solutions,” says Innovation Director Daudi Were.

The GIC is designed to tackle a different governance and accountability problem each year and invites the public to identify and vote on entries.

Last year’s winner came from a changemaker within government in Pakistan, and the competition sparked a surge of interest that led to a wide range of submissions from innovators across the world, with over 250 submissions received and 60,000 public votes cast.

This year, the GIC takes forward the lessons learned and is seeking ideas for Ghana, South Africa, Kenya, Indonesia, the Philippines, Liberia, Tanzania, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Mozambique, Uganda and Nigeria that relate to the following themes:

  1. Legislative Openness – Inclusive and Participatory Lawmaking
  2. Sub-national Governance
  3. Gender Equality
  4. Building Resilience and Response to Humanitarian Crisis

The competition doesn’t take innovation to mean the fastest and newest technology and several of the ten previous finalists utilised basic tools, such as SMS and a print news bulletin, in their solutions. As Were explains:

“It’s less about the technology and more about how it’s deployed and its relevance to the cultural, political, economic and geographical needs of the end user.

Anyone can come up with up an idea, but it takes an innovator to turn that idea into a working solution and it’s people like this we hope to attract in GIC 2015.”

Awards:

  • £300,000 in grants available to winners
  • Finalists will attend the Global Innovation Week in Jakarta, Indonesia; a programme of intensive mentoring and networking.
  • Winners will receive grants to support their projects, plus expert mentorship.

Making All Voices Count takes learning as central to its programme and earlier this year, a series of think-pieces were conducted investigating the conditions most conducive to the mission of “making all voices count”. This check-list draws on these outputs and has been compiled for GIC applicants.

One major observation, noted by Research & Evidence Programme Manager Duncan Edwards in the think-piece on Making, is that interventions designed to amplify citizen voice and secure government responsiveness are often conducted by outsiders and risk being disconnected from local realities.

The importance of including local perspectives in interventions is echoed by Juliana Rotich, Executive Director of Ushahidi, who says, “when it comes to your community, your society, your country, you are the expert.”

The theme for this year’s International Day of Democracy is “Engaging Youth” and Making All Voices Count is particularly interested in solutions that amplify the voices of vulnerable members of society. In this post previous GIC mentor Fred Ouku offers a disability perspective and urges:

“If you’re talking about democracy – including ALL voices in the public sphere – it’s important to recognize the ‘public’ are diverse, with different needs and experiences.

My vision for this year’s GIC is that entrants, from the outset, design solutions that aim to make services or decision-making processes accessible and open to everyone. That is, for all members of society including marginalized persons or people that for some reason remain hard to reach.”

Applications for the GIC open on September 15, 2014 and close on October 15, 2014.

For further updates on the #GIC2015 sign up here.

For a video recap of the GIC 2014 see here:

The original version of this piece from Making All Voices Count can be found at www.makingallvoicescount.org/news/launch-global-innovation-competition-to-make-all-voices-count.